What
Were They Thinking?
by
Llewellyn H. Rockwell, Jr.
by Llewellyn H. Rockwell, Jr.
With
bombings, killings, human suffering all around, and nothing in sight
in Iraq but the bad choices of continued military dictatorship or
fundamentalist Islamic rule, everyone but the war planners now regard
Iraq as a disaster.
Last
spring, most people thought the war planners were decisive geniuses
who had pulled off an amazing feat of military management. Donald
Rumsfeld boasted: "Never have so many been so wrong about so much."
War
critics didn't believe him, but it took time for the full evidence
of failure to emerge. Today, the war critics are the prophets and
the war planners are regarded as hopelessly naïve architects
of a quagmire. Bush's wars have not only failed to achieve their
stated aims, they have left the world more unsafe, unstable, and
violent.
Given
this, David
Krieger of Counterpunch suggests we rephrase Rumsfeld: Rarely
in history have so few been so wrong about so much. The common question
everyone asks is: what were they thinking? What they were thinking
is not all that different from what most central planners think.
They just took these ideas to their logical culmination.
Let's
start with the big error. They believed that their will alone was
enough to make and remake a country (whether Iraq or Afghanistan)
and the world. They saw people as pliable, all events as controllable,
and all outcomes as the inevitable working out of a well-constructed
plan. Being the top dogs of the world's only superpower, they never
doubted their ability to dictate the terms and so they had no plan
for what to do if things went wrong.
This
forgets several essential components of the structure of reality.
People's free will is often backed by the willingness to undertake
enormous sacrifice. Such sacrifices are made every day by average
Iraqis. Most especially it overlooks certain underlying laws that
limit what is possible in human affairs. In the scheme of how the
world works, even the largest state is only a bit player. It is
capable of creating enormous chaos and transferring huge amounts
of wealth, but not of controlling events themselves. Government
action often generates results opposite of those the policy is constructed
to create.
The
Bush administration did not want to believe this. They had a very
simple model in mind, namely that Iraq was a country lorded over
by a single dictator, and so all that was necessary to take over
the country was to displace (decapitate) the dictator and install
a new form of government that would run the country according to
the liking of the Bush administration. It further believed that
all resistance could be crushed by a proper application of violence
and the threat of violence.
The
truth is that no society operates like this. Human beings don't
respond well to being treated like prisoners in someone else's central
plan. If the desire is to wholly manage the future, the mega-planner
is always a mega-failure, if not always in the short term certainly
always in the long term. The Bush administration had bigger dreams
than Wilson or FDR. But as Maureen
Dowd aptly puts it: "The group that started out presuming it
could shape the world is now getting shoved by the world."
In
the meantime, tens of thousands of lives have been snuffed out due
to the decisions of this administration which, if you think
about it, is an unpardonable crime. To convince themselves of the
rightness of their cause, however, the Bush administration turned
to an ancient myth. They came to believe that the nobility and constructive
power of war far outweighs its costs. For intellectual support,
neocon scholars promoted the pre-Christian romance of war, the idea
that war gives life meaning and provides an essential opportunity
for bravery, camaraderie, and the cultivation of character, in the
life of the individual soldier and that of a nation.
It's
all lies: war is about blood and destruction and nothing more. The
destruction is wrought against the enemy and the victor. After the
"heroic" and "noble" struggle is over, what are we left with? Debt,
body bags, and a generation scarred by witnessing destruction on
a scale no private parties could be capable of. War leaves in its
wake a culture that has a lower regard for financial prudence, for
freedom from leviathan, and for the value of life itself. War is
uncivilized. It is a barbaric enterprise. It has never moved society
forward. It is always a setback. It promises to give life meaning
but ends in attacking the very source of meaning.
One
thing war does do in the short term is cause people to rally around
the flag, an effect which the political cynics count on to cover
the disaster that war always is. But there was more than this operating
at the White House. They didn’t want to merely boost Bush's poll
ratings; they wanted to instill a new national ethos to supplant
one that they didn't like. The neocons who gave us this war believed
that Americans needed a new civic mythology to unite the country
around great ideals, and that cheering on a war would revive the
idea of national unity.
They
longed for the Cold-War ideal when an entire population hunkered
down as hostages to the doctrine of mutually assured destruction.
Their writings heralded the eras of "national greatness" when the
Panama Canal was built, when every business displayed a Blue Eagle,
when every American mourned the death of JFK, when everyone cheered
the moonshot. The "national mood" following 9-11 convinced them
that this could be revived.
Even
more than that, they continue to convince themselves of the great
Lincoln Myth, a man who used immoral means to unite a country but
somehow managed to emerge from it with the reputation of a great
liberator, a new founding father. The trick, they believed, was
to have the "moral determination" to inflict as much violence as
possible in the hopes that they would be seen as visionaries, and
to utterly demoralize the enemy.
In
fact, the idea of national unity, beloved by every would-be tyrant,
is something to be feared. It is not a sign of freedom but of despotism.
It is the morality of the ant heap. In any case, the forced unity
of the World War II era is long gone. Good riddance. The country
is too diverse, and the culture too broken into niche markets, too
many people too knowing. May the un-American "unity" of the World
War II period never return.
There
were also serious miscalculations concerning Iraq. The first one
is political. They believed that they could ignore the country's
internal ethnic and religious diversity, particularly the religious
longings of the Shiites. Perhaps they believed it would be enough
to pass a First Amendment to convince these people to privatize
their beliefs in the national interest. If so, this is nothing but
a variant of the initial error that government can bring about miracles.
They are now dealing with managing intractable social and cultural
conflicts, and shocked that all their talk about freedom and diversity
is falling on uncomprehending ears.
Of
course there is a contradiction associated with attempting to impose
any form of freedom by force. The best symbol of the Bush administration's
failure in this regard is the fate of the Iraqi dinar, which the
administration assumed would vanish after the invasion. Today it
is still the national currency, and the US has taken to printing
it, with Saddam's picture. They have utterly failed to manage the
money in Iraq.
This
points to another serious miscalculation. No effort at all was put
into how these great conquering heroes would manage an economy after
they took power. It's as if they just completely forgot about the
people's needs for electricity, clean running water, food, and communication.
The one principle that has guided the occupiers in their economic
affairs in Iraq has been that whatever happens, the US should be
in charge of it. The error has led them to kick out private entrepreneurs
who attempted to start cell phone companies and airlines.
Not
that the Bush administration ever really understood what freedom
really meant. They believed it was something granted by government,
or the military as a proxy for government. They believed that freedom
is something that exists because of the people running the government
or the laws that manage society.
In
fact, freedom means the absence of government. It can never be granted
by the state. It can only be taken away by the state. If a government
manager desires freedom for a society, his only path is to get out
of the way. That is something the Bush administration refuses to
do at home or abroad. They can say they want freedom, but in this
case, freedom is reduced to a fiction.
And
speaking of fiction, we now come to the biggest error of all. The
Bush administration believed that even in the age of Google, it
could still bamboozle the population with claims utterly contradicted
by reality. It was clear from the beginning that the Bush crowd
of Ford-era relics and sheltered academics was not web savvy in
any sense. They were in a state of denial about the information
age, and instead chose to govern as if Walter Cronkite were still
dictating what people heard and thought.
For
example, they believed they could continue to assert that Saddam
had WMDs and that somehow this would become accepted truth. How
could they be so naïve? Their sophistication involved old technologies
of the kind you find in the energy industries. This is why the administration
always seems to be behind the curve. The average evening web surfer
is more ahead of the news and events than the people who gather
in the Oval Office to discuss the future of the world. The web has
found these people out.
This
level of arrogance also had an effect on how the Bush administration
believed it could fund this war. It is increasingly clear that the
total cost of the Iraq war will run into the hundreds of billions,
and they proceed as if there are no worries about paying it. Of
course the administration benefits by the presence of that great
marble palace down the street that promises to print unlimited quantities
of dollars to pay for whatever government wants to do. But even
then, there are limits. The budget deficit has already passed the
$500 billion mark and the national debt is an incomprehensible $6.8
trillion and the Bush administration is completely unconcerned
about it. Outside sources now say that there isn't enough money
to keep troops in Iraq past March. But by the time the limits become
really obvious, the Bush administration may have already packed
its bags to leave town.
There
is something grossly immoral about a regime that saunters into town,
bankrupts its host country and destroys a few others in the process,
making mess after mess and still not being held accountable for
it. Making matters worse is the reality that it and its friends
in industry will take off with all the loot. After all, all this
money is going somewhere, and it isn't to average Iraqis!
This
scandal speaks to a larger truth. The war policy of this administration
may have failed in every way to achieve its stated aims, but it
has succeeded in the one way war does succeed: it has transferred
huge amounts of money and power from the private sector to the public
sector. In believing that war is good for the ruling regime, rarely
have so few been right about so much.
May
God forbid our being forced to suffer under such rule again. The
only way to prevent it is through a broader acceptance of the great
truth of our time and all time: the state, no matter who is in charge
of it, is always and everywhere the enemy of peace, prosperity,
and civilization.
September
4, 2003
Llewellyn
H. Rockwell, Jr. [send him
mail] is president of the Ludwig
von Mises Institute in Auburn, Alabama, and editor of LewRockwell.com.
Copyright
© 2003 LewRockwell.com
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