Five
Smooth Stones
by
Llewellyn H. Rockwell, Jr.
by Llewellyn H. Rockwell, Jr.
The
Iraqi people have only one question about the new government in
Iraq: is it, and to what degree, merely a puppet for the US? Meanwhile,
the new government has one message for the Iraqi people: it is not
a tool of the US and, in fact, it hates the occupation. The US has
one major worry about the new government in Iraq: it won't achieve
legitimacy so long as it is seen as favored by the US.
Whatever
else you want to call this, don't call it a success. Of course,
the Bush administration will forever put its spin on events (freedom = occupation;
democracy = martial law; liberation = war),
but the prevailing attitudes in Iraq and around the world render
a more decisive verdict of decisive failure.
If
this war were a dictionary entry it would read:
Iraq
War, 2003-2004: An ill-fated military conflict launched by
the Bush administration and justified by the false claim that
Iraq had weapons of mass destruction. The US and allies overthrew
the Iraqi government, instituted martial law, and attempted to
install a puppet state. Oppressive rule, the killing of some 10,000
civilians, and the torture of prisoners provoked a guerilla backlash
that drove the US out of the country as US credibility evaporated
and casualties became intolerably high.
In
the running chronicle of wins and losses in the history of US warfare,
this one will have to count as a loss. But a loss also means an
end to the killing and maiming of American soldiers, for which we
should be grateful, and an end to the ever-greater corruptions that
come from the attempt to impose the will of a superpower on others
around the world.
There
are other developments:
The
Iraqi Syndrome. After the disaster of Vietnam, Americans were
said to be afflicted by what Nixon called the Vietnam Syndrome,
which was Americans' reluctance to go to war. After the Gulf War
in 1991, the first President Bush said: "By God we've kicked the
Vietnam Syndrome once and for all," and yet he lost the election.
His successor found it ever more difficult to go to war.
Where
are we today? The great reluctance Americans had toward going to
war even after 9-11 whipped up a war frenzy meant that the president
finally had to be reduced to preposterous claims that Saddam Hussein
was planning to use nuclear weapons against the US, so the US had
to go and disarm him. That all these claims turn out to be a hoax
is bad for US warmongers.
The
Iraqi Syndrome can now replace the Vietnam Syndrome. It means: don't
believe what the government says about other governments it wants
to overthrow. It means: wars are unbearably costly in lost prosperity
and lives. It also means: when your government goes to war in the
name of your country, it risks humiliating and besmirching the name
and heritage of your country. This supposed syndrome is nothing
other than looking at the costs of war realistically and rationally,
and concluding it is not worth it.
After
the Cold War, the US government clamored desperately for another
excuse to keep the warfare state fat and happy. It wanted a new
Communism and thought it had it in Islamic extremism with the War
on Terror as its method for keeping the largess flowing and the
parasites employed. The Iraq War represents a major setback in this
effort. If you add the calamity of the Afghan war to the mix, you
have a decisive case against keeping the Cold War state alive.
The
Central Plan Failed. The government is never more arrogant than
in the war-planning stage. It presumes all knowledge of time and
place. It claims that it can anticipate every action and every reaction.
It believes that nothing is more powerful than power itself, and
so bombs dropped from the air can make any people anywhere bend
to the wishes of the superstate. A government that believes in its
own foreign policy omniscience and omnipotence is a dangerous government,
not just to foreign peoples but also to its citizens.
In
fact, it failed from the outset, though the US has just been slow
to deal with the reality. Not only is the plan not working; the
reality is conforming in ways that are opposite of US intentions.
When the US demands that people turn in weapons, people begin to
accumulate them, fearing an attack. When the US favors a certain
leader to take over the country, the whole of Iraq unites on a single
principle: anyone but the person the US wants. The US decides to
place a priority in a particular area of production or security
and it serves as a signal for everyone to ignore or oppose it. Today's
US choices for political office become tomorrow's "most wanted"
list for guerillas.
Perhaps
this will impose a modicum of humility on the superpower. If so,
this can only help Americans, who have had just about enough of
US central planning at home. In fact, the failures in Iraq were
foreshadowed in many ways here. Attempts to collect weapons from
Americans caused buying sprees in the 1990s. The attempt to censor
draws public attention to the information. Nobody wants the Medicare
discount cards, supplied at the cost of hundreds of billions in
taxes. One can only feel pity and sadness for poor Iraq. But all
will benefit if the Iraq failure ends up deterring the US from future
acts of extreme arrogance.
Ideas
Beat Power. The great myth that all public officials carry around
in their heads is that the world will conform to any dictate so
long as it is backed by the threat of force. Governments have always
believed this because force and the threat of force are their only
tools. If force does not work, government does not work.
Iraq
has shown the world that power has limits. No government can rule
by force of arms alone. No policy can be imposed on a country whose
citizens are opposed to the policy. In the end, governments are
nothing but small, well-armed minorities attempting to impose its
will on everyone else. They can be held at bay and even overthrown
if the people resist.
In
Iraq, the result is the humiliating defeat of the largest, richest,
most well-armed state in the history of the world. Small guns beat
big guns. An ideology of national independence beat an ideology
of national domination. The desire to be free trumped the demand
to conform to the dictate of the imperial power. There is something
incredibly inspiring about this.
Is
it a real-life case of David and Goliath, a story that has given
hope to the oppressed for two millennia? In the story from I Samuel
17, the key feature of Goliath was not his smarts but his size and
armor (helmet of brass, coat of mail, brass on his legs and chest,
a huge spear with an iron tip). David alone refused to be intimidated.
He eschewed all the trappings of armor and chose instead five smooth
stones. He aimed for Goliath's forehead, the one unarmed spot.
There
Is Hope for Freedom. The same government that tried to control
Iraq is at war against the liberty, property, and privacy of Americans.
When the US was founded, people could live their lives and earn
their money and protect themselves without ever having any contact
with this thing called the federal government. So it was for generations.
But today, this government is inescapably huge, managing as much
of our lives and taking as much of our property as it can get away
with.
Leviathan
can be beaten. This is an inspiring message in our time. We mourn
for the dead on all sides, who so needlessly had a precious gift
stolen from them by the state. But a military defeat translates
into a victory for the ideas of Jefferson and the party of life
and liberty, here and around the world. As to Iraq, let it have
its freedom and make of it what it will. Let Americans have theirs
too.
June
3, 2004
Llewellyn
H. Rockwell, Jr. [send him
mail] is president of the Ludwig
von Mises Institute in Auburn, Alabama, editor of LewRockwell.com
and author of Speaking
of Liberty.
Copyright
© 2004 LewRockwell.com
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