The
State in the Dock
by
Llewellyn H. Rockwell, Jr.
by Llewellyn H. Rockwell, Jr.
People tell
me that Saddam Hussein is a very bad man. Probably he is. Ok, really
he is. He is egregiously immoral and ghastly. Should he be put on
trial? Can such a trial be fair? This is where it gets complicated.
If all heads
of state who commit violent acts were to be tried as criminals,
we would live in a very different world. It would be a world without
governments as we know them. Let's say that you like that idea.
You might argue that lopping off Saddam's head is as good a place
to start as any.
But there's
a problem: The trial is being administered and run and decided by
the government of a conquering nation, one led by a man who clearly
had a personal vendetta against Saddam, and who used the most duplicitous
methods to drag his country into an imperial venture that has killed
perhaps a hundred thousand and thrown the victim country into political
and economic chaos.
If Saddam is
to be tried in court, the US lacks the credibility to be the prosecutor.
Moreover, the trial might as well be designed to inspire more hatred
of the US, create a martyr out of Saddam, and inspire more terrorism
in the future. In any case, how does one measure the relative criminality
of managing a despotism at home, as Saddam has done, versus imposing
a military dictatorship from abroad, as Bush is doing?
It becomes
more complicated. Tariq Aziz, the senior member of Saddam's cabinet,
riveted the courtroom the other day with testimony that the current
puppet government is led by people who attempted to assassinate
Saddam and Aziz in the 1980s. The regime retaliated against the
Shia village of Dujail, including 148 executions.
His justification:
"If the head of state comes under attack, the state is required
by law to take action. If the suspects are caught with weapons,
it's only natural they should be arrested and put on trial."
Well, I challenge
any head of state to disagree with that. The Bush administration
certainly would not. Its main security impulse is to protect itself
against political attack. That's the whole basis for its anti-terrorism
policy: to protect the government. Now, in so doing, they also believe
that they are defending the people, because of course that's what
democracy means to these types: they are the people.
There was no
democracy in Iraq, so there was no gloss on the fact that Saddam
protected his interests first. Everyone seems to agree that most
of the violence wrought by the Saddam regime was of a political
nature. If you hated him and wanted to overthrow him, he would get
to you first and make you pay.
For those people
who were not involved in politics and didn't challenge his right
to rule, the country seemed rather secular and liberal overall,
a place unique in that part of the world where women had rights,
there was religious tolerance (Jews and Catholics were left alone,
though many have since emigrated), and you could get a martini.
Again, I'm
not claiming that Saddam wasn't so bad after all. I'm pointing out
that if he is only guilty of fighting off the competition, he was
acting as all statesmen act with various degrees of intensity. The
main impetus behind government-provided protection services is precisely
to protect the government. There is nothing necessarily scandalous
about this. It is what governments do.
It's very different
in the private sector. Let's say that the head of state were the
head of a corporation. If the CEO of McDonald's had plotted to persecute
and even kill the head of Wendy's, on grounds that Wendy's was attempting
to overthrow McDonald's burger dominance, we would all rightly be
scandalized. The CEO in question would go to trial and be punished.
But if someone
puts together a secret cabal to secede from the US state or otherwise
challenge its monopoly, no one would think it unusual or wrong that
he would be persecuted for doing so. If he resisted, he would be
killed. In fact, radical groups that think of themselves as outside
the law are often tried and jailed, and most people think this is
perfectly fine.
And what else
do governments do? The essence of government is the right to obey
a different set of laws from that which prevails in the rest of
society. What we call the rule of law is really the rule of two
laws: one for the state and one for everyone else.
Theft is illegal
but taxation is not. Kidnapping is illegal but stop-loss orders
are not. Counterfeiting is illegal but inflating the money supply
is not. Lying about its budget is all in a day's work for the government,
but the business that does that is shut down.
So this raises
many questions. Under what law should the heads of governments be
tried? If they are tried according to everyday moral law, they would
all be in big trouble. Did you plot to steal the property of millions
of people in the name of "taxing" them? Oh sure! Did you send people
to kill and be killed in an aggressive war? Thousands! Did you mislead
people about your spending? Every day! Did you water down the value
of the money stock by electronically printing new money that you
passed out to your friends? Hey, it's called central banking!
Judged by this
standard, all states are guilty. And all heads of state are guilty
of criminal wrongdoing if we are using a normal, everyday kind of
moral standard to judge them. Thus are they all vulnerable.
To be clear,
I'm not talking about states in our age, or just particular gangster
states. I'm speaking of all states in all times, since by definition
the state is permitted to engage in activities that if pursued privately
would be considered egregious and intolerable.
So on what
basis can one state put another state on trial? Yes, some regimes
are worse than other regimes, but who is to decide and on what grounds?
What are the mechanisms that we use to insure that the right and
true and fair result is achieved?
If
I lived in Iraq right now, I might find myself disgusted at the
scene playing out at the Saddam trial. Even if I hated Saddam, I
could look out the window and see the explosions, bloodshed, poverty,
innocent dead, and blown-up buildings, and note that US tanks are
the ones patrolling and shooting and enforcing the chaos. I might
further note that the current local government was put there by
the conquerors.
As an American,
it sickens me to see George Bush using this trial as a way of morally
whitewashing his conquest. He is a deeply unpopular president, the
most hated man since the last US president.
Many
people think Bush is the worse president ever. Even by the murky
standards of US law today, he has stretched all bounds of propriety
in his spying, lying, and abuse of power. I dare say that he would
not stand up well in a court of law.
And let's not
be naïve: many, many people in the US and around the world
would love to see him in the dock. As it is, we will have to settle
for history as the judge.
May
26, 2006
Llewellyn
H. Rockwell, Jr. [send him
mail] is president of the Ludwig
von Mises Institute in Auburn, Alabama, editor of LewRockwell.com
and author of Speaking
of Liberty.
Copyright
© 2006 LewRockwell.com
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