Shills, Paid and Unpaid
by Llewellyn H. Rockwell, Jr.
by Llewellyn H. Rockwell, Jr.
At
least Maggie Gallagher has an excuse.
The
Bush administration paid the pundit-intellectual $21,500 through
the Department of Health and Human Services to promote the administration's
"pro-marriage" initiative you know, family values and
all that, as in steal from others to line your pockets in exchange
for which you say what the government wants you to say. Her excuse
for not telling readers that she was a mouthpiece: she forgot ("I
would have [disclosed the payoff], if I had remembered it").
The
revelation
by Howard Kurtz of the Washington Post follows the previous
discovery that radio personality Armstrong Williams took in a cool
$241,000 contract with the Department of Education (the one that
the Republicans used to claim should be abolished) to pump for the
"No Child Left Behind" policy.

Now,
it's true that both might have otherwise said and written precisely
what they got paid to say and write. In fact, they got the contracts
because they both have influence and generally agree with what the
Bush administration wants. The money, however, does serve a purpose:
it secures the relationship between the intellectual and state both
as a reward and as an inducement to toe the line. They become employees
of the state, and behave as such, just as the Bush administration
has devoured the minds of many thousands of people who have left
private life to serve his majesty.
What's
interesting here is not these precise cases. Governments have always
known that they don't have to budget too generously when it comes
to buying intellectuals. Most can be had rather cheaply. The real
payoff for many of these people and there are undoubtedly many more is
less tangible. They like the sense that their services are valued
by powerful people. In serving as an echo chamber for the regime's
priorities, they can share to some extent in the thrill that comes
with exercising power, which they think of as having an impact on
history.
But
if it doesn't turn out right, these paid intellectuals can always
repudiate what they said or did: after all, they were paid to take
the position they did. One is reminded of the interesting experiment
in social psychology conducted by Festinger
and Carlsmith in 1959. They found that the more people were
paid to say things they don't believe, the more likely these people
will be to repudiate the opinions later. On the other hand, those
people who are induced to lie without personal benefit are more
likely to stick to their opinions. In other words, it's not those
who lie for money we should worry about it; it's those who lie for
free who are the real danger.
Which
raises a question more profound than why Gallagher and Williams
did what they did: what excuse do the rest of the Republican intellectuals
have for their behavior? Day after day, they crank out the most
absurd articles and treatises in defense of the indefensible so
long as it is being pushed by the Bush administration. They wallow
in their hatred of what they consider leftism even as they work
to build a state with the size and power that hardly any leftist
in the country would call for or even welcome. Those of us who were
embarrassed by the slavish tendencies of the left in the 1990s to
defend Clinton were unprepared to see the same behavior on the right,
but with far more intensity.
Without
reviewing the egregious history of this regime, and all the destruction,
death, and debt it has wrought, we can only marvel at how the propagandists
view every bit of bad news as a signal to work harder to portray
the Bush administration as infallibly glorious. The Clintonites
must have been squeamish about their defenses of his shady deals
and peccadilloes. But how can that compare to the Bushites and their
celebration of war crimes and fiscal wreckage?
There
is no real point in demonstrating the extent of their slavishness.
In just a few clicks just now, from only one source, I found this:
"Future generations will praise his idealism, courage, and audacity.
They will appreciate that he embarked on one of the most breath-taking
adventures in human history" and this:
"George W. Bush is a man of deep religious faith and unwavering
loyalty to his wife, family, and country. His own political
story is remarkable" and this:
"Americans should be congratulated for rejecting the slippery slope
of moral relativism and endorsing Bush's steadfast leadership…"
and this:
"President Bush's goal to support the growth of democratic movements
is not far-fetched. The United States should continue to be democracy's
midwife and help countries though the difficult periods of democratic
transition" and this:
"What conservatives understood then and what President Bush understands
now is that America itself is a radical nation, founded on the revolutionary
principle that self-government is simultaneously the best form of
government and the most moral. And that lovers of liberty in all
parties should seek to conserve that legacy. The circumstances we
face today are new, but the principles are eternal. So yes, George
W. Bush is a revolutionary, but he is merely the latest in a long
line of American revolutionaries."
There
are a lot of words to describe the above (salaaming, etc.) but clear-headed
is not among them. The cult of personality was fully revealed after
Bush's inaugural address, which the conservatives are struggling
to immortalize, as if history is made by the largest possible number
of craven fulminations on blogs and websites. Bush stands up and
says, in effect, "I will bring liberty to the world!" and the slaves
of the GOP all stand to give a rousing cheer that lasts and lasts,
and none dares be the first to stop clapping.
Of
course, many of those who wrote to praise the speech had a hand
in its writing so they too might have an excuse, but what about
lesser lights among the pundit class as well as the rank-and-file
of Republican voters? It's a measure of how easy it is for the soul
to be corrupted by power worship.
Never
wonder again how it is that the pharaohs were treated as gods, how
Kim Il Sung and Nicholai Ceausescu got away with making monuments
and billboards to themselves and forcing everyone in the country
to address them by endlessly proliferating honorifics, or how the
greatest despots in world history were surrounded by sycophants
until their last breath. The explanation isn't financial; it is
intellectual and spiritual.
And
if you disagree? Peter Robinson noted
the most obvious point that Bush's speech was not conservative at
all but rather "a thoroughgoing exaltation of the state." But later
he repudiated his position with the words "I
recant" and "I was wrong." Sorry, no contract for you, Mr. Robinson.
Where Robinson was wrong in the first place, and what he didn't
understand, is that Bush's speech was in fact conservative: its
thoroughgoing statism is conservatism. Conservatism seeks
power, adores power, exalts power, and has only one agenda: more
power.
The
sickening personality cult that has formed around Bush is only one
aspect of this, but it is an inevitable one. No matter what form
of government, whether monarchical, democratic, or communist, the
belief that the person at the top is more godlike than the rest
of us is everywhere a feature of what Mises called statolatory,
the view that the state is an "eternal and superhuman institution
beyond the reach of earthly frailties."
The
obvious examples of Hitler, Lenin, Stalin, Mao, and Mussolini stand
out, but to a much lesser extent even the local mayor of your town
benefits from the glow of power. People exaggerate the personal
merits of people with power, romanticizing their personal histories
and fantasizing about their "vision" of the future. This has been
true from the ancient world to our own, and probably stems from
some madness in the soul of man. (The really smart political leaders
feign to repudiate these cults, as Caesar pretended to refuse the
crown.)
Intellectually, the tendency toward
power worship was torn asunder by the great liberal revolution that
began in the middle ages and culminated in 1776, with the generation
that proclaimed that political rulers were worthy of distrust, in
need of being restrained, and ultimately dispensable. This attitude
toward politics came about not because the liberals hated the people
with power, but because they saw power itself as destructive of
the order that liberty itself creates. They came to realize that
the good society is not created by great leaders but by the coordinated
actions of all individuals in society in their private and commercial
lives. It was this revelation that pulled back the curtain and showed
the whole world what power has always conspired to hide: the people
at the top are pretentious fools, and a source of disorder.
The problem with Gallagher
and Williams is not that they were paid to say what they believed.
It is what they believe, namely that the person of George W. Bush
will restore the family and that the person of George W. Bush will
make sure that no child is left behind. These are the views of totalitarians,
not advocates of a free society. If you are going to sell your soul
to the state, and try to fob off state control and war as the essence
of freedom, it makes sense to at least have something to show for
it. The overwhelming number of Bush worshippers get nothing in exchange
for their sacrifice of heart, mind, body, and soul.
January 27, 2005
Llewellyn H. Rockwell, Jr. [send him mail] is president of the Ludwig
von Mises Institute in Auburn, Alabama, editor of LewRockwell.com,
and author of Speaking
of Liberty.
Copyright © 2005 LewRockwell.com
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