Independence,
American-Style
by
Llewellyn H. Rockwell,
Jr.
The
powers that be seem mighty upset by "The Patriot" starring
Mel Gibson as the Southern planter who takes up arms against the
British to defend his home and family. The film is brilliant in
many ways. It shows a new generation the original meaning of patriotism
before it was corrupted by this century’s foreign wars: not worshiping
the government or its leaders, but taking pride in American freedom,
in a land where the natural rights to liberty and property are sacred.
There’s much more to the story, as readers of Murray N. Rothbard’s
4-volume Conceived
in Liberty know. But this film is not a bad start.
So
why is everyone so upset? The outrage of the British is to be expected,
of course. They can’t stand being accused of war crimes, even though
British foreign policy has been singularly brutal and expansionist
for centuries. No other country has beat up on so many foreigners
for so long. It’s not that the Brits are incapable of self-criticism.
They just can’t stand being accused by Americans, whom they have
always looked down upon as backward and uncivilized even as they’ve
dragged us into their wars. The film illustrates this attitude quite
well.
Why
then do American left-liberals hate the movie? There’s the notorious
scene where Mel Gibson gives his young sons guns and instructs them
to shoot the British officers. It’s been said that this scene is
what earned the film an unjustified R rating, even though kids defending
their property and family with guns was a staple of the Western
movies as recently as the 1950s. As Gibson himself says, this is
the way it was. How is it that the same people who are howling that
"The Patriot" took liberties with real history are decrying
the highly realistic portrayal of young boys taking up arms?
But
that’s not the real reason left-liberals don’t like the film. Let’s
face it: partisans of the current American regime are against any
cultural phenomenon (whether movie, song, or book) that might raise
fundamental questions about the current political order, even if
only by implication. Reflecting on the war for American independence,
you can’t help but notice that the taxes that caused the American
revolt were a pittance compared with how we are looted now. The
Clinton administration makes King George look like Tom Paine.
Are
we supposed to believe that liberty was great in the 18th
century but not necessary in the 21st? That high taxation
was unnecessary then but shelling out 40 percent of our earnings
to the state today is perfectly justified? That King George was
an awful despot but the one million unelected bureaucrats and judges
who run our lives today are our friends and protectors? Heavens
no. If revolution was right back then, it is more right today. The
left-liberal answer to this conclusion is to suppress all cultural
signs that make government look bad.
Just
as "Braveheart" emboldened the movement for Scottish independence
against English imperialism, the American elites fear that "The
Patriot" will provide aid and comfort to the millions who long
to throw off the yoke of oppressive government, just as our forefathers
did. That’s why they say they fear that "The Patriot"
will encourage the "far right," as if the desire for freedom
is restricted to a tiny sect of political extremists, while everyone
else is just thrilled to be ruled by the most well-funded, well-armed,
and personally invasive government in the world. After all, even
Castro recognizes the right to smoke and doesn’t attempt to regulate
the size of your toilet tank.
What’s
more, the usual democratic channels don’t offer much hope for real
change, any more than they did in the Colonial period. The Congress
and the White House can throw us bones in the form of tiny tax cuts
spread over ten years. But no legislative efforts are going to gut
big government in a way that would have satisfied the signers of
the Declaration of Independence, much less those who fought and
died to throw off the British crown.
A
huge swath of the American public understands this. Big government
doesn’t set well with the American temperament. The prospect for
mass revolt always lies just beneath the surface, and has since
the ratification of the Constitution. Threats of secession and actual
attempts to renew the promise of the first revolution are strewn
throughout the late 18th and 19th century.
The Southern secession in 1861 is only the most famous.
The
impulse to throw off the yoke of big government has been suppressed
in our own century because of the Great Depression and the wars.
Ten years after the Cold War, big government is bigger than it has
ever been, but there is no longer a practical or ideological rationale
behind it. The state is just openly and aggressively ravenous, much
more so than the original British oppressors.
The
power elite’s greatest fear has always been rising public consciousness
of the evil of the big government. This is why, for example, Colonial
history is so rarely taught in high schools, and why there is so
little attention given to the American Revolution in popular culture.
Ever since Southern secession, it has been politically incorrect
to discuss the subject of the American Revolution in any depth.
We are told that the revolution was about "equality,"
not throwing off tyranny, and to think no more about it.
The
Clinton administration speaks about the leviathan state as if it
is permanent and indispensable. But all of history would suggest
otherwise. No government is guaranteed permanence, especially not
those that consistently rule against the will of the people. That
is the key lesson of the last ten years. Neither will the present
American regime last. Indeed, its days are numbered, as the new
generation’s sense of loyalty to DC dwindles with each day, and
the false patriotism of the 20th century is replaced
by the authentic patriotism of the 18th.
What
would a new American independence movement look like? After the
colonists fought against the British crown, they put together a
magnificent system of government under the Articles of Confederation.
The idea was that the 13 separate colonies would retain all their
freedom, political autonomy, and cultural identity, but would cooperate
in the common defense if the need ever arose again. More so than
the US Constitution that came later, that extreme federalist understanding
of the "union" truly captures what the revolution was
all about.
It’s
common among conservatives to call for a return to the Constitution.
But why stop there? Let’s return to the Articles of Confederation,
the original founding document. Besides, secession by smaller government
units is the most peaceful path. Fifty separate nations? Why not?
Why not 500?
Even
today, secessionist movements are springing up in every state. They
are still small and lack mainstream influence, but all the hysteria
about the rise of "neo-confederates" shows that they are
starting to bother all the right people. It’s no wonder that the
partisans of the welfare-warfare state fear anything that would
stir people up. A film alone won’t do it, but too many more years
of misrule from DC might trigger the same spirited defense of libertarian
rights that caused the British military to pack its bags so long
ago.
July
20, 2000
Llewellyn
H. Rockwell, Jr., is president of the Ludwig
von Mises Institute in Auburn, Alabama. He
also edits a daily news site, LewRockwell.com.
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