The
General Line
by
Llewellyn H. Rockwell, Jr.
Not since its
inception two years ago has LewRockwell.com laid out its principles,
other than to emblazon "Anti-State, Anti-War, Pro-Market"
on every page. Another way to sum up that slogan is to say that
LRC is pro-liberty. Our aim is to present journalism, commentary,
and scholarship that embodies the libertarian ideal deepening, refining,
and applying it across a full range of economic, political, and
cultural issues.
LRC presents
a diversity of views, and not everyone agrees on every point or
even on most, but everyone agrees that a focus on liberty as a theme
is greatly lacking in public commentary today. LRC attempts to do
something about that.
Everyone claims
to believe in liberty, so what’s so controversial? The liberty LRC
believes in is both unleashed and constrained by the right to private
property as a core principle, and hence it embraces capitalism.
It is guarded by a decentralized system of law enforcement, and
hence favors subsidiarity and self-determination. It is historically
rooted in American tradition dating back to the colonial tradition
through the wonderful American revolution, which LRC believes represented
a just overthrow of the state.
And that raises
a point. Who writing about politics today might have joined the
founding fathers in their conspiracy to overthrow imperial rule?
The question is an important one because this event, more than any
other in our history, embodies the core of the American political
idea, that men are entitled to liberty from despots. This idea,
the founders believed, ought to be acted upon by real people against
really existing governments.
If you had
asked this question who would have joined the founders? two years
ago, at the height of anti-Clintonism, the answer was: huge swaths
of the activist right, most of the middle and working class, and
many people on the left as well. Today, matters are very different.
The most striking change is on the right. Largely because a Republican
is in the White House, all but a few have signed on to the war effort.
What does it
mean to sign on to the war effort? Not just that you support justice
for those involved in 9-11; I’ve yet to find anyone who doesn’t.
What war really means is that you are on the side of the state and
all its works. What those works are has been shown to us in the
events since 9-11: consolidation of government power, the
exaltation of the executive, the curbing or abolishing of civil
liberties, the creation of military star chambers, the death of
more innocents, political upheaval here and abroad, the entrenchment
of empire, the confiscation of person and private property, massive
credit creation, the enrichment of those who live off the state,
and the fueling of resentment among people who yearn for vengeance.
Moreover, war
means censorship, arbitrary power, demonization of dissent. Wars
turns politicians into full-time liars and gives generals and journalists
a taste for blood. It encourages political philosophers and social
reformers who lust for putting history on fast forward to achieve
their dream of the planned society. It means supporting tyrants,
not overthrowing them unless they happen to live in the wrong foreign
countries. Instead of going on and we could we could just sum up
by saying that war always means the opposite of liberty, as we have
been shown once again in recent days.
It means nothing
to say that you support the war but oppose the imposition of war
despotism. This is like saying you support socialism but oppose
the control of people’s lives. One goes with the other. If you say
you support the war, it means you support everything that goes with
war. To oppose the consolidation of power going on right now means
to oppose the war. To separate war and despotism is like trying
to take poison out of arsenic. To end the despotism requires ending
the war. To start the war means to impose domestic despotism and
generally favor destruction, which is all war amounts to.
There are two
reasons people who otherwise support liberty support war. One, they
do not understand the connection between militarism and despotism,
or they naively believe that the imposition of statism is only temporary,
a view stemming from historical ignorance. Two, they succumb to
the special favors granted to libertarians who support war. The
state is always anxious for a libertarian gloss to sell its power
grabs, and those who provide it are promised rewards (in the most
recent case, a promise that a think tank will be included in Social
Security "privatization" negotiations).
Those who do
not sign up for the war are a special lot of extremely independent-minded
people, serious about the business of liberty. We get called all
sorts of names. For example, John Ashcroft recently said: "To those
who scare peace-loving people with phantoms of lost liberty, my
message is this: Your tactics only aid terrorists,
for they erode our national unity and diminish our resolve" (Dec
6, 2001).
Of course that
doesn’t follow, but notice here the echoes of the Congressional
Resolution (Sept 14, 2001) that granted Bush the right to use "all
necessary and appropriate force" against "persons he determines...aided
the terrorist attacks" in order "to prevent any further
acts of international terrorism." You don’t have to be paranoid
to see that supporting peace in these times is dangerous.
Now, back to
the original purpose of this article. In 1965, Murray N. Rothbard
founded a magazine called Left and Right. The point wasn’t
to forge a new consensus. "This means in no sense," wrote
Murray in the opening editorial, "that we are middle-of-the-roaders,
eclectically trying to combine, or step between, both poles."
The purpose was to develop "a consistent view of liberty"
that "includes concepts that have also become part of the rhetoric
or program of right and of left."
This is the
LRC vision too.
From the right
we get a love of property, local political control, and bourgeois
culture (and yes, that includes its roots in faith). Also, it is
from this tradition that we inherit love of the market economy.
People say we make the market a god. It’s more correct to say that
we see in commerce the hand of God using the free actions and choices
of billions of people to create orderliness where the pseudo-god
of government only creates chaos and destruction. The glory and
mystery of global commerce has been observed for thousands of years,
but it is no less wondrous to see in our everyday lives how it is
that people pursuing their self-interest in peace can only promote
the interest of society.
From the left,
we inherit a deep suspicion of power, a critical attitude toward
the status quo, a defense of cosmopolitanism, a belief in the universal
rights of man, and the desire to expose the underlying interest-group
relationships behind political control. The hatred of war has roots
in the right and left, but the left seems decidedly less inclined
to whoop it up for war these days. And like all good people of any
persuasion, we reject collectivism in all its forms.
As for the
state, there is no need to mince words: it is the locus of earthly
evil in our day, and in all of history. It differs from a gang of
robbers only in its appearance of moral legitimacy. Can we imagine
a world without the state? Certainly, but not a world without law.
The "anarcho-capitalist" claim is actually a modest one:
it observes that there is nothing the state can do that cannot be
done better through the institutions of contract, free association,
and property rights, and that goes for the enforcement of law as
well (think of how well the typical subdivision keeps order). No
exceptions to the rule.
That’s all
very serious stuff. If you don’t buy it, or regard it as a hodgepodge
assembly of random positions, we offer a growing list of bibliographies
to help you see that it all fits: it is the consistent program of
liberty. See Gordon
on Liberty, Stromberg
on War, and Wilson
on the South, and the forthcoming
Hoppe on Anarcho-Capitalism. Or see the voluminous library at
Mises.org.
Serious isn’t
always, or even usually, the tone of LRC. We seek to have a good
time, to link to fun and funny things, to inform you about trends
and ideas that are momentous and also just plain goofy. The business
of liberty is all about saving civilization from its enemies, but
we can have fun while doing it.
As
a final note: the stats on this site are beyond anything you can
believe. We owe that to the fabulous writers for this site, who
are not paid. That’s not a policy. I would love to change that.
But not yet. In the meantime, accept LRC as a gift from people who
love liberty to compatriots around the world. Fight the power.
December
7, 2001
Llewellyn
H. Rockwell, Jr. [send
him mail], is president of the Ludwig
von Mises Institute in Auburn, Alabama, and editor of LewRockwell.com.
Copyright
© 2001 LewRockwell.com
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