Two Kinds
of Competition
by
Llewellyn H. Rockwell, Jr.
by Llewellyn H. Rockwell, Jr.
Americans
love the competitive element of elections, just as we like competition
in sports and economics. But there is an important difference in
the substance and result of political competition. Rather than improving
performance and driving the teams to improve, political competition
seems to have the opposite result. The two approved parties appeal
ever more to the lowest common denominator and seem to replicate
each other’s worst traits. Instead of excellence, we get mediocrity
and downward drift.
The
thought comes to mind after the disgraceful spectacle of the Bush-Kerry
argument on the Iraq War. Bush lied the country into war, pointlessly
smashed a civilized country, and embroiled the US in an unwinnable
conflict (not that winning would thereby recommend it). Under genuine
competition, the GOP would have an albatross around its neck. The
Democrats would hardly talk about anything else. Instead, we have
the Bush campaign crowing about how Kerry admitted that he would
have done essentially the same thing.
It's
a rhetorical victory for Bush, of a certain sort. Bush might as
well say: my opponent is as much of an opportunist as I am, and,
had he been in charge, he would have been equally complicit in the
use of mass violence. In short, we are being instructed that we
may not accuse Bush of anything of which his opponent is or could
be just as guilty.
One
might think it would be good for Kerry to campaign against the Iraq
War, but there is the issue of the voting-record. More importantly
is the reality that Kerry already owns the antiwar vote: what he
seeks are the swing voters who they can only assume are mostly jingoistic
pigeonheads who prefer patriotic songs and Fox News to facts and
serious thought.
And
so it goes for many issues. Bush has been terribly protectionist.
Kerry promises to be worse. Bush has been an outrageous big spender.
Kerry says that he hasn't spent enough. Bush dramatically expanded
the welfare state. Kerry says it is not nearly enough. This is competition
of a very strange sort: a contest to see how one can outdo the other
in bad ideas and bad behavior.
Competition
in the marketplace is of a different sort. It leads to relentless
improvements in quality. The enterprise that performs its job with
excellence relative to others promising similar goods and services
succeeds. The marketplace is always open to new entrants who can
show the existing producers how to do the same thing better or do
something else entirely. The price of services and goods is always
falling (apart from government inflation). Obsolete production lines
are folded. Consumers reward shrewd producers and punish the dull
ones, so that the best get on top. There is accountability for error
and it is punished.
In
politics, competitive pressures yield exactly the opposite. The
quality is constantly declining. The only improvements take place
in the process of doing bad things: lying, cheating, manipulating,
stealing, and killing. The price of political services is constantly
increasing, whether in tax dollars paid or in the bribes owed for
protection (also known as campaign contributions). There is no obsolescence,
planned or otherwise. And as Hayek famously argued, in politics,
the worst get on top. And there is no accountability: the higher
the office, the more criminal wrongdoing a person can get away with.
We
often talk about the analogy between political and market competition,
but they are radically different. To understand why, consider the
differences in the competitive environment in public versus private
school.
The
public school is rooted in coercion. No one really wants to be there,
so the pressures run in the direction of control, mediocrity, non-accountability,
waste, and stupidity. In private school, the pressures tend toward
excellence, accountability, and learning. It is not a universal
rule, of course, but it is a dominant tendency. What marks the difference
is the institution of private property, the structural prerequisite
to productive competition.
Public
school-like pressures exist for the entire political system. Under
socialism, competition leads to constant declines in quality, morality,
and performance. Ultimately this tendency destroys civilization
itself. Under capitalism, competition leads to improvements in quality,
morality, and performance. It is the very basis of modern civilization.
Public
elections replicate all the worst aspects of socialism. Two candidates
are unleashed to lie to the public for purposes of acquiring power
over an institution that they do not own but will manage for four
years, during which time this winning gang will sign off on the
spending of some $8 trillion and have power to destroy just about
any other government in the world. They risk virtually nothing in
this game. The worst consequence they face is being voted out of
office four years from now, and being made rich by the special interests
they funded with your money.
In
private enterprise, every decision of management is tested by the
marketplace, every minute of every business day. Owners are constantly
on watch and the consumers determine the course of all production.
The people at the top only have power in the most superficial sense:
it can be taken away immediately by the consumers who gave them
power in the first place.
Just
about everyone you talk to these days admits serious dissatisfaction
with the election choices this year. And yet most people will eventually
decide for the "lesser of two evils" whatever that is, and there
is probably no way to know in advance realizing that no real viable
option is going to emerge. In private enterprise, unmet needs are
profit opportunities. In public elections, they are opportunities
for graft.
The
whole process is enough to make one cynical toward campaigns and
elections. That's the wrong response. There is nothing wrong with
campaigns and elections they are a normal part of corporate life
and institutional management of all sorts, even in religion. The
real issue is the fundamental problem of public property. Give me
a chance to vote against that, and I might register again.
August
12, 2004
Llewellyn
H. Rockwell, Jr. [send him
mail] is president of the Ludwig
von Mises Institute in Auburn, Alabama, editor of LewRockwell.com
and author of Speaking
of Liberty.
Copyright
© 2004 LewRockwell.com
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