Anarcho-Tyranny in Baghdad
by
Llewellyn H. Rockwell, Jr.
It
was Sam Francis who coined the phrase anarcho-tyranny, to describe
the simultaneous existence of armed dictatorship and the absence
of the rule of law. He used it in the context of the crime wave
of the early nineties, when armed drug gangs freely roamed American
streets even as big government plotted to grab guns from regular
Americans and ensnare the bourgeoisie in its regulatory and tax
bureaucracy. It is a situation in which government does everything
but what it is supposed to do, namely protect life and property.
It
became clear to Americans in those days that if they were to secure
their liberty, they couldn't rely on government, which seemed more
intent on protecting the rights of criminals than the freedom or
security of law-abiding Americans. Thus did grow throughout the
1990s vast stretches of gated communities, private security agencies,
private arbitration agencies, and a host of other market means to
provide services that government claimed to provide but did not.
The
people of Iraq now know all about the concept of anarcho-tyranny,
as American troops spent 48 hours securing the rights of Iraqis
to loot and steal everything in sight. Liberation indeed! The merchants
who remained struggled to do business without electricity or water,
while fending off gangs of marauders in their midst.
This
report from Baghdad, courtesy of the Malaysian
news agency Utusan:
Shopkeepers
opened fire Friday at mobs of looters in Baghdad, where residents
voiced growing frustration about the reigning chaos that US troops
have done little to stop.
Merchants
took up arms for the first time since US troops entered the city
to fanfare Wednesday, as looting sprees left 25 people injured.
"We
want the law to rule and if the Americans don't defend us then
we'll defend ourselves with our own weapons," said store owner
Khazen Hussein.
US
troops, who say they are still involved in a military campaign
and do not have the capacity to maintain law and order, have rarely
intervened to stop the looting.
In
Al-Rasafi market, merchants fired pistols in the air outside a
seven-storey garment store, while at Al-Arabi market shopkeepers
fired Kalashnikov assault rifles toward approaching looters.
Young
people were also seen with iron bars running after potential thieves.
Baghdad
has seen rampant looting since US troops rolled in Wednesday and
the two-and-a-half-decade regime of Saddam Hussein crumbled.
Almost
everything has been considered fair game, from the luxury homes
of senior Iraqi officials to European diplomatic missions and
former state institutions that once inspired fear.
Only
a few bakeries and cafes were open Friday in Baghdad, which still
lacks running water and electricity that was cut during the three-week
bombing campaign.
With
no police force or fire department, a number of government buildings including the Iraqi Industrial Union, the Civil Administration
Department and the Trade Ministry were still smouldering Friday
after being torched by mobs.
No
new attacks were reported Friday against US forces, who have met
sporadic resistance from pro-Saddam fighters since they swept
into central Baghdad.
But
US troops were visibly nervous, rarely moving from their positions,
after a suicide bombing late Thursday that killed one soldier
in north Baghdad.
A
US military source said the attack had taken place in Saddam City,
an impoverished northern suburb home to two million people, mostly
Shiite Muslims, after marines came under heavy fire.
It
was the first suicide attack against American forces since they
captured Baghdad amid scenes of jubilation, and raised doubts
about how firmly coalition forces held the city in their grip.
Twenty-five
people, including two children, were admitted to Baghdad's Al-Kindi
hospital on Friday after suffering gunshot wounds in clashes during
the looting.
But
the hospital, Baghdad's largest, can provide little help as it
has been ransacked itself.
"The
situation is chaotic and catastrophic," Peter Tarabula, medical
coordinator for the International Committee of the Red Cross here,
said after an ICRC team inspected the hospital.
All
staff have fled Al-Kindi hospital with the exception of two doctors
who administer first-aid but do not carry out operations.
Meanwhile
in northern Baghdad, around 30 fully armed Iraqi missiles were
found in a vacant lot near a shopping centre. Each of the sandy-yellow
missiles was 10 metres (32 feet) long and a metre (3.2 feet) in
diameter, an AFP correspondent said.
They
were loaded on 15 trailers which witnesses said were abandoned
at the site several days ago by men in civilian clothes.
At
the Ramadan 14 mosque in the heart of Baghdad, near where a towering
statue of Hussein was demolished by residents and US troops Wednesday,
only about 20 people showed up for weekly prayers, compared with
thousands on an average Friday.
The
few worshipers blamed the low attendance on US checkpoints around
the central square and people's fear their homes would be burgled
if they left.
"After
seeing all the looting, encouraged by the Americans, I'm beginning
to like Saddam Hussein," said businessman Fayez Khalil, in an
opinion shared by most others who turned up for prayers.
Just
a week ago, clerics used Friday sermons to exhort followers to
wage holy war against the US and British "invasion."
The
Iraqi case is far more extreme than anything the US has seen, even
in the heyday of the Los Angeles riots, in which the police were
far more concerned with citizens who might be wielding unlawful
weapons than they were with the looters. But what's going on in
Baghdad and other cities in Iraq is a microcosm of the state's law-enforcement
priorities.
In
Iraq in the last two days, you could rob a home and hospital and
have your rights protected by the US military. But if you held up
a picture of Saddam Hussein, you would be likely to get yourself
shot. This underscores the primary focal point of the rule of every
regime: to maintain and tighten its monopoly over the coercive powers
of the state, while displacing and eliminating possible competitors
to that position.
What
the US is doing in Iraq is what every state throughout history has
done. Whatever excuse it gives for its rule securing liberty,
guaranteeing security, reinforcing virtue, saving souls, stopping
terrorism, or whatever it always comes down to the same thing:
gaining, maintaining, and firming up political control. All other
priorities take a back seat to that one. As Murray Rothbard used
to emphasize, there is a reason why the state has more severe penalties
for challenging its rule than it does for ordinary crime.
The
experience also shows the way the state uses chaos to its advantage.
Given enough of this, people begin to welcome the use of official
violence in order to curb the private violence. Once reporters started
to be the targets of looters, the military finally stepped in with
a dusk-to-dawn
curfew, thus seriously curbing the freedom to move about, something
Saddam Hussein would never have dared to attempt. If Iraqis were
hoping that American troops would bring with them greater access
to a rich night life, they will now find that these plans are on
hold.
But
of course all the liberal columnists who are urging that the US
stay for the long haul in Iraq are only creating the conditions
for more extreme crackdowns. They will be in no position to criticize
the imposition of a military dictatorship, with violators shot on
sight, all paid for by US taxpayers. The military can respond that
this is just showing concern and care for the people they liberated.
We've
all imagined ways in which this military operation is unprecedented.
On one hand, the US has engaged in small wars of conquest on a routine
basis since its final consolidation after the war between the states.
On the other hand, gutting the entire infrastructure of an orderly
society is something that the US has never attempted to do by force,
and it wasn't even the intention.
The
US set out to "decapitate" the regime and otherwise leave everything
else in place so that another government to the US's liking could
step in. Now, the US is being asked to take on the role of the entire
state apparatus itself, not only providing the police structure
needed for the protection of essential rights but also making the
infrastructure work properly. This is something that the federal
government has never managed to pull off in its own backyard of
the District of Columbia!
It's
extraordinary what the self-proclaimed conservatives of this administration
have done to Iraq, and to us. But to the state, it is all justified
because, after all, its ability to maintain a secure control over
the apparatus of compulsion and coercion is secure. Whether that
power is used for the good of society or not is beside the point.
In this respect, there is no real distinction between wartime and
peacetime, their country or ours.
April
12, 2003
Llewellyn
H. Rockwell, Jr. [send him
mail] is president of the Ludwig
von Mises Institute in Auburn, Alabama, and editor of LewRockwell.com.
Copyright
© 2003 LewRockwell.com
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