What Became of Conservatives?
by
Paul Craig Roberts
by Paul Craig Roberts
I
remember when friends would excitedly telephone to report that Rush
Limbaugh or G. Gordon Liddy had just read one of my syndicated columns
over the air. That was before I became a critic of the US invasion
of Iraq, the Bush administration, and the neoconservative ideologues
who have seized control of the US government.
America
has blundered into a needless and dangerous war, and fully half
of the country’s population is enthusiastic. Many Christians think
that war in the Middle East signals "end times" and that
they are about to be wafted up to heaven. Many patriots think that,
finally, America is standing up for itself and demonstrating its
righteous might. Conservatives are taking out their Vietnam frustrations
on Iraqis. Karl Rove is wrapping Bush in the protective cloak of
war leader. The military-industrial complex is drooling over the
profits of war. And neoconservatives are laying the groundwork for
Israeli territorial expansion.
The
evening before Thanksgiving Rush Limbaugh was on C-Span TV explaining
that these glorious developments would have been impossible if talk
radio and the conservative movement had not combined to break the
power of the liberal media.
In
the Thanksgiving issue of National Review, editor Richard
Lowry and former editor John O’Sullivan celebrate Bush’s reelection
triumph over "a hostile press corps." "Try as they
might," crowed O’Sullivan, "they couldn’t put Kerry over
the top."
There
was a time when I could rant about the "liberal media"
with the best of them. But in recent years I have puzzled over the
precise location of the "liberal media."
Not
so long ago I would have identified the liberal media as the New
York Times and Washington Post, CNN and the three TV
networks, and National Public Radio. But both the Times and the
Post fell for the Bush administration’s lies about WMD and supported
the US invasion of Iraq. On balance CNN, the networks, and NPR have
not made an issue of the Bush administration’s changing explanations
for the invasion.
Apparently,
Rush Limbaugh and National Review think there is a liberal
media because the prison torture scandal could not be suppressed
and a cameraman filmed the execution of a wounded Iraqi prisoner
by a US Marine.
Do
the Village Voice and The Nation comprise the "liberal
media"? The Village Voice is known for Nat Henthof and
his columns on civil liberties. Every good conservative believes
that civil liberties are liberal because they interfere with the
police and let criminals go free. The Nation favors spending
on the poor and disfavors gun rights, but I don’t see the "liberal
hate" in The Nation’s feeble pages that Rush Limbaugh was denouncing
on C-Span.
In
the ranks of the new conservatives, however, I see and experience
much hate. It comes to me in violently worded, ignorant and irrational
emails from self-professed conservatives who literally worship George
Bush. Even Christians have fallen into idolatry. There appears to
be a large number of Americans who are prepared to kill anyone for
George Bush.
The
Iraqi War is serving as a great catharsis for multiple conservative
frustrations: job loss, drugs, crime, homosexuals, pornography,
female promiscuity, abortion, restrictions on prayer in public places,
Darwinism and attacks on religion. Liberals are the cause. Liberals
are against America. Anyone against the war is against America and
is a liberal. "You are with us or against us."
This
is the mindset of delusion, and delusion permits of no facts or
analysis. Blind emotion rules. Americans are right and everyone
else is wrong. End of the debate.
That,
gentle reader, is the full extent of talk radio, Fox News, the Wall
Street Journal Editorial page, National Review, the Weekly
Standard, and, indeed, of the entire concentrated corporate
media where noncontroversy in the interest of advertising revenue
rules.
Once
upon a time there was a liberal media. It developed out of the Great
Depression and the New Deal. Liberals believed that the private
sector is the source of greed that must be restrained by government
acting in the public interest. The liberals’ mistake was to identify
morality with government. Liberals had great suspicion of private
power and insufficient suspicion of the power and inclination of
government to do good.
Liberals
became Benthamites (after Jeremy Bentham). They believed that as
the people controlled government through democracy, there was no
reason to fear government power, which should be increased in order
to accomplish more good.
The
conservative movement that I grew up in did not share the liberals’
abiding faith in government. "Power corrupts, and absolute
power corrupts absolutely."
Today
it is liberals, not conservatives, who endeavor to defend civil
liberties from the state. Conservatives have been won around to
the old liberal view that as long as government power is in their
hands, there is no reason to fear it or to limit it. Thus, the Patriot
Act, which permits government to suspend a person’s civil liberty
by calling him a terrorist with or without proof.
Thus,
preemptive war, which permits the President to invade other countries
based on unverified assertions.
There
is nothing conservative about these positions. To label them conservative
is to make the same error as labeling the 1930s German Brownshirts
conservative.
American
liberals called the Brownshirts "conservative," because
the Brownshirts were obviously not liberal. They were ignorant,
violent, delusional, and they worshipped a man of no known distinction.
Brownshirts’ delusions were protected by an emotional force field.
Adulation of power and force prevented Brownshirts from recognizing
implications for their country of their reckless doctrines.
Like
Brownshirts, the new conservatives take personally any criticism
of their leader and his policies. To be a critic is to be an enemy.
I went overnight from being an object of conservative adulation
to one of derision when I wrote that the US invasion of Iraq was
a "strategic blunder."
It
is amazing that only a short time ago the Bush administration and
its supporters believed that all the US had to do was to appear
in Iraq and we would be greeted with flowers. Has there ever been
a greater example of delusion? Isn’t this on a par with the Children’s
Crusade against the Saracens in the Middle Ages?
Delusion
is still the defining characteristic of the Bush administration.
We have smashed Fallujah, a city of 300,000, only to discover that
the 10,000 US Marines are bogged down in the ruins of the city.
If the Marines leave, the "defeated" insurgents will return.
Meanwhile the insurgents have moved on to destabilize Mosul, a city
five times as large. Thus, the call for more US troops.
There
are no more troops. Our former allies are not going to send troops.
The only way the Bush administration can continue with its Iraq
policy is to reinstate the draft.
When
the draft is reinstated, conservatives will loudly proclaim their
pride that their sons, fathers, husbands and brothers are going
to die for "our freedom." Not a single one of them will
be able to explain why destroying Iraqi cities and occupying the
ruins are necessary for "our freedom." But this inability
will not lessen the enthusiasm for the project. To protect their
delusions from "reality-based" critics, they will demand
that the critics be arrested for treason and silenced. Many encouraged
by talk radio already speak this way.
Because
of the triumph of delusional "new conservatives" and the
demise of the liberal media, this war is different from the Vietnam
war. As more Americans are killed and maimed in the pointless carnage,
more Americans have a powerful emotional stake that the war not
be lost and not be in vain. Trapped in violence and unable to admit
mistake, a reckless administration will escalate.
The
rapidly collapsing US dollar is hard evidence that the world sees
the US as bankrupt. Flight from the dollar as the reserve currency
will adversely impact American living standards, which are already
falling as a result of job outsourcing and offshore production.
The US cannot afford a costly and interminable war.
Falling
living standards and inability to impose our will on the Middle
East will result in great frustrations that will diminish our country.
November
26, 2004
Dr.
Roberts [send him mail]
is
John M. Olin Fellow at the Institute for Political Economy and Research
Fellow at the Independent Institute. He is a former associate editor
of the Wall Street Journal, former contributing editor for
National Review, and a former assistant secretary of the
U.S. Treasury. He is the co-author of The
Tyranny of Good Intentions.
Copyright
© 2004 Creators Syndicate
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