Call Me Unaccountable: Woodrow Wilson and George Bush
by
Paul Craig Roberts
by Paul Craig Roberts
The
passage of time permits historians to be truthful in their assessments
of presidents. Abe Lincoln, a Republican Party icon since 1865,
was exposed in the 21st century as America’s first tyrant by
Thomas DiLorenzo. Woodrow Wilson, a Democratic icon since the
early 20th century, has now been knocked off his pedestal by Jim
Powell in Wilson’s
War: How Woodrow Wilson’s Great Blunder Led to Hitler, Lenin, Stalin,
and World War II (Crown Forum, 2005).
Declaring
Wilson to be "the worst president in American history,"
Powell makes a strong case that the rise of the Soviet Union and
Nazi Germany were unintended consequences of Wilson’s arrogance.
Powell
argues that the war, which began in 1914, was stalemated by 1917
and would have ended in a compromise peace. Wilson’s entry into
the war won the war for Britain and France and allowed the disastrously
vindictive Versailles Treaty to be imposed on Germany. The British
economist, John Maynard Keynes, knew the treaty was unrealistic,
as did Count von Brockdorff-Rantzau, the leader of the German Peace
Delegation.
The
Germans were aghast at "the victorious violence of our enemies."
The Count told French President Georges Clemenceau that "the
exactions of this treaty are more than the German people can bear."
The treaty required massive losses of German territory: Part of
East Prussia ("amputated from the body of the State, condemned
to a lingering death, and robbed of its northern portion, including
Memel") and most of West Prussia, Danzig, Pomerania, Upper
Silesia, the Saar, the overseas German colonies, plus occupation
of Rhenish territory for 15 years.
On
top of the dissolution of the German state was added confiscation
of all German assets abroad, the German merchant fleet, and reparation
payments that would condemn the German people "to perpetual
slave labor."
Powell
shows how this insane treaty brought Hitler to power and how Wilson’s
bribe to the Russian government to continue in the war produced
the Bolshevik Revolution, Stalin, and the Cold War. One hundred
million deaths resulted from Wilson’s decision to turn the stalemated
European conflict into World War I.
Like
the current president, George W. Bush, Wilson became a warmonger
once he gained power. In his first inaugural address, Wilson declared
that the US government "has too often been made use of for
private and selfish purposes, and those who used it had forgotten
the people." Government was afflicted with "many deep
secret things" and was "too often debauched and made an
instrument of evil."
In
his August 1914 address to Congress, Wilson warned against taking
sides in the war. "The United States must be neutral in fact,
as well as in name . . . impartial in thought, as well as action."
By the following March, Wilson was disregarding his declared neutrality.
Wilson "went along with Britain’s naval blockade a blatant
disregard for international law." Wilson invited war by insisting
"Americans had the right to travel anywhere including a war
zone."
By
June 9, 1915, it was clear to Secretary of State William Jennings
Bryan that Wilson was heading America to war. "Under increasing
pressure to march to war with Wilson, Bryan resigned as secretary
of state."
If
only Colin Powell had done the same. Bryan’s resignation could not
stop Wilson from entering an ongoing war, but Colin Powell could
have thrown a monkey wrench into Bush’s naked aggression against
Iraq by refusing to deliver that packet of lies to the UN. Colin
Powell would have saved his own reputation and that of his country
along with thousands of lives. Instead, he allowed the White House
morons to commit a fantastic strategic blunder, the consequences
of which will allow future historians to much excoriate the hapless
George W. Bush.
Jim
Powell presents the disastrous 20th century as the unintended consequences
of Wilson’s blunders. In contrast, Claes Ryn sees Wilson as America’s
first Jacobin neoconservative. Powell could be speaking of Bush
when he asks what gave Wilson the idea "that he could impose
his will on millions of people who lived thousands of miles away?"
Historian
Margaret MacMillan’s observation that Wilson’s "ability, self-deception
perhaps, to frame his decisions so that they became not merely necessary,
but morally right" applies equally to George W. Bush as does
Alexander and Juliette George’s observation that "to justify
his aggressive treatment of opponents, [Wilson] needed to regard
himself as the best interpreter of the people’s true aspirations."
America’s
claim to virtuous hegemony is contradicted by the disasters inflicted
on the world by America’s arrogant and blundering leaders.
April
26, 2005
Dr.
Roberts [send him mail]
is
John M. Olin Fellow at the Institute for Political Economy and Research
Fellow at the Independent Institute.
He is a former associate editor of the Wall Street Journal,
former contributing editor for National Review, and a former
assistant secretary of the U.S. Treasury. He is the co-author of
The
Tyranny of Good Intentions.
Copyright
© 2005 Creators Syndicate
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