Kerry's Entangling Alliances
by
Michael Badnarik
by Michael Badnarik
Americans
who oppose the war in Iraq find it easy to hold President Bush in
contempt – as they should, considering his deceptive and disastrous
wars that have killed thousands. What's harder is finding much to
like in John Kerry. Most antiwar American voters will probably pull
the lever for Kerry – or, more accurately, against Bush –
but we must all come to terms with the fact that Kerry is a hawk,
and a very dangerous one.
Kerry
never tires of pointing out that Bush didn't wage his "colossal
error" of a war on Iraq correctly, and that Bush is all too
unilateral in general. "[T]oday the agents of terrorism work
and lurk in the shadows of 60 nations on every continent,"
said
Kerry in a typical speech in February. "In this entangled
world, we need to build real and enduring alliances."
More recently, in the last presidential debate, Kerry
said:
"I
can do a better job of waging a smarter, more effective war on terror
and guarantee that we will go after the terrorists.
"I
will hunt them down, and we'll kill them, we'll capture them. We'll
do whatever is necessary to be safe.
"But
I pledge this to you, America: I will do it in the way that Franklin
Roosevelt and Ronald Reagan and John Kennedy and others did, where
we build the strongest alliances, where the world joins together,
where we have the best intelligence and where we are able, ultimately,
to be more safe and secure."
Lately,
Republicans have
argued that a President Kerry, having called Iraq the "wrong
war" in the "wrong place" at the "wrong time,"
would not be able to bring all these new allies such as France and
Germany into Iraq. Why should they join an adventure when the head
of the coalition thinks that adventure is a mistake?
There's
some validity to this point. But of greater concern to those of
us who oppose the war is the question: What if Kerry does succeed?
What if he does convince other countries to join in?
Sept.
11 engendered more good will toward America than it had seen in
60 years. Bush didn't just squander that good will, he turned it
into fear
and hatred. Not just with the war in Iraq – the U.S. government
has bombed and launched aggressive invasions of countless countries
over the last 50 years without eliciting
such a reaction – but with his arrogant attitude toward
the world in general. Even when Bush seeks alliances for action,
he makes it clear that the U.S.
government wants help, not
advice, and that it
will unilaterally decide, on behalf of the world, which wars
must be waged.
Kerry is right. Bush has been arrogant toward the world and he's
done a terrible
job of building "real alliances," Poland notwithstanding.
Kerry is probably right that he could rekindle the warm relationship
we used to have with what Bush's cohorts degradingly call "Old
Europe." Kerry might
even be right that he'll be able to prod the French, Germans,
and Russians into anteing up to continue the Iraqi occupation.
But
we have to ask ourselves: Is this a good thing?
Democratic
skeptics of Bush's procedural and logistical missteps in the Iraq
war, and especially of his unilateralism, have yet to answer an
important but rarely raised question: Is waging a non-defensive,
imperialistic war okay if you have more people on your side?
The
Iraq war is a war of aggression. Although Kerry laments that the
United States is absorbing "90%
of the casualties" (not true – both Kerry and Bush
ignore the civilian "collateral damage," which dwarfs
military casualties), the war would not magically become justified
if more of the people doing the dying were subjects of other governments,
cajoled by John Kerry into participating.
This
war doesn't need more participants. It needs fewer participants.
It doesn't need more countries assisting the U.S. government's mass
slaughter of innocent people. The U.S. government and all occupying
invading forces must withdraw.
Taken
together with Kerry's
regret that Bush has been too soft on Fallujah, Iran, and Saudi
Arabia, what we see is a Democratic candidate who wants to run
a more efficient, wider war, convincing other countries to take
up more of the burden. And we're supposed to regard this as an improvement
over the Bush Doctrine?
The
Founding Fathers warned against entangling alliances. Jefferson
and Washington
made the point loudly and clearly. When countries tie themselves
together in mutual defense pacts and alliances, they end up participating
in foolish wars out of diplomatic obligation, rather than limiting
themselves to legitimate self-defense. One or two belligerents,
so long as they are popular with enough other countries, can transform
a regional squabble or a petty conflict into a global holocaust.
This is, of course, what happened in World War I.
The
U.S. government needs to stop throwing its weight around and focus
instead on defending America. Getting other countries involved in
defending and extending U.S. aggression is the wrong strategy.
Unlike
the Republicans, I am not the least bit concerned that Kerry is
insincere when he says, "In this entangled world, we need to
build real and enduring alliances." Nor am I worried that as
president he will fail in this goal.
What concerns me is the very real possibility that he is sincere,
and that he will succeed all too much in turning Bush's
catastrophic war in Iraq into an international
cataclysm.
October
28, 2004
Michael
Badnarik is an independent computer consultant and the Libertarian
Party candidate for president.
Copyright
2004 LewRockwell.com
|