The
Balance of Power vs. the Balanced Budget
It
is hard to remember that just five weeks ago, there was still talk
of a federal budget surplus. Republicans wanted a tax cut. Democrats
wanted more "investment," their capitalist-sounding code word for
more government spending. The surplus disappeared in the rubble
of the World Trade Center.
It
would have disappeared anyway. The U.S. government cannot sustain
a budget surplus. First, there never is one. It exists only as an
accounting shell game in which surplus revenues generated from Social
Security taxes (sorry: "contributions") are turned over to the Treasury
and deposited into the general fund. IOU's are then issued by the
Treasury to the misnamed Social Security Trust Fund, and the IOU's
are not counted as liabilities in the Federal debt. They are off-budget
liabilities liabilities that are not counted in the official
U.S. budget. It's smoke and mirrors mostly smoke. Second, tax
money is irresistible to politicians. It always gets spent. We call
it pork a most unMuslim term.
Now
we are facing years of unbudgeted bills for a war that the President
says is open-ended. The war on terrorism is not expected to cost
what the Vietnam war cost. In terms of outlays on military equipment,
it won't cost as much as that war did. In terms of lost privacy
for Americans and long-term costs of dealing with fanatics seeking
revenge, it may cost a lot more.
On
October 9, a Website calling for a jihad against the West was shut
down. It had a dozen clones in various European languages. They
disappeared, too. The main site was in South Africa: http://www.qoqaz.co.za.
When I mentioned the shut-down to subscribers of my monthly Institute
for Christian Economics newsletter, one of the readers went
on- line and extracted some pages through Google's cache feature.
I published one document on an autoresponder. It defends the right
of Afghans to execute prisoners of war. You can get a copy by clicking
here and then clicking Send.
There
was another document, which I have now put on another autoresponder:
"Sisters' Role in Jihad." It gives us some idea about the mentality
of Islamic terrorists. This document persuades wives and mothers
to send their husbands and sons off to war against the heathen,
meaning us. It shows mothers how to train up little boys who will
kill us in the name of God.
Emphasize,
while disciplining young children, that they are not to hit a
Muslim, but rather forgive, and are only to get their anger out
on the enemies of Allah who fight against Muslims. Teach them
the meaning of "Ashiddaa'u 'alal kuffari ruhamaa'u baynahum" (Strong
against the disbelievers and merciful among themselves). You can
make a makeshift enemy (could be a punching bag for instance)
if you have to, and encourage children (especially boys) to use
it and build their strength as well as learn to control and direct
their anger. . . .
Get
your young children interested in Jihad by getting military books
(preferably with pictures) and other similar books, CDs etc. and
by visiting web sites such as www.qoqaz.net along with your children,
and utilizing other internet resources. Show them the pictures
of Mujahideen (while making dua, praying, in training, etc. –
nothing 'graphic' please) and encourage them to become like these
people at the least. Introduce them to various weapons and military
vehicles through pictures and toys.
Get
a copy of the full document by clicking
here, and then click
Send.
These
people are deadly serious. They are preparing the next generation
to fight. They believe in succession: fighting men down through
the ages. Americans cannot understand people who hold grudges for
centuries, who seek revenge to the third and fourth generation and
beyond. We suffer from a major liability. We do not understand our
self-declared enemies.
The
American Way
If
you were asked to describe the essence of Americanism in one phrase,
what would you say? Of course, it's not possible to tell the whole
story of any nation or people in one phrase, but if a foreigner
wanted to know what to think about what America's philosophy of
life is, could you tell him? Think about it.
I'd
put it in four words: "Live and let live." This is the Americans'
version of laissez-faire: let us alone. What we want for ourselves
as individuals, we are willing, as individuals, to extend to others.
There
was a time very brief when American foreign policy
was governed by this principle. The finest statement of it appears
in what we call Washington's Farewell Address. It wasn't really
a farewell: he had six months remaining to serve as President. It
wasn't an address, either. It was a newspaper column.
Americans
have heard about it, but not many of them have ever read it. It
is worth reading. It is the opposite of "Sisters' Role in Jihad."
What amazes most people when they read it is the sophistication
of the language. They find it hard to believe that it was aimed
at newspaper readers. We don't see columns like this one any more,
and surely not written by a President with the assistance of the
Secretary of the Treasury.
The
essay dealt with American political life in general. Washington
feared a North-South division. But it is most famous for its recommendations
for American foreign policy. Here, in sophisticated language, is
the foreign policy of "live and let live." If this nation had adhered
to these words, we would be far richer, far freer, and far less
worried about alien fanatics who kill civilians as a religious statement
of faith. Here is an abandoned legacy of great wisdom and great
value.
Against the insidious wiles of foreign influence (I conjure you
to believe me, fellow-citizens) the jealousy of a free people
ought to be constantly awake, since history and experience prove
that foreign influence is one of the most baneful foes of republican
government. But that jealousy to be useful must be impartial;
else it becomes the instrument of the very influence to be avoided,
instead of a defense against it. Excessive partiality for one
foreign nation and excessive dislike of another cause those whom
they actuate to see danger only on one side, and serve to veil
and even second the arts of influence on the other. Real patriots
who may resist the intrigues of the favorite are liable to become
suspected and odious, while its tools and dupes usurp the applause
and confidence of the people, to surrender their interests.
The
great rule of conduct for us in regard to foreign nations is in
extending our commercial relations, to have with them as little
political connection as possible. So far as we have already formed
engagements, let them be fulfilled with perfect good faith. Here
let us stop. Europe has a set of primary interests which to us
have none; or a very remote relation. Hence she must be engaged
in frequent controversies, the causes of which are essentially
foreign to our concerns. Hence, therefore, it must be unwise in
us to implicate ourselves by artificial ties in the ordinary vicissitudes
of her politics, or the ordinary combinations and collisions of
her friendships or enmities.
Our
detached and distant situation invites and enables us to pursue
a different course. If we remain one people under an efficient
government. the period is not far off when we may defy material
injury from external annoyance; when we may take such an attitude
as will cause the neutrality we may at any time resolve upon to
be scrupulously respected; when belligerent nations, under the
impossibility of making acquisitions upon us, will not lightly
hazard the giving us provocation; when we may choose peace or
war, as our interest, guided by justice, shall counsel.
Why
forego the advantages of so peculiar a situation? Why quit our
own to stand upon foreign ground? Why, by interweaving our destiny
with that of any part of Europe, entangle our peace and prosperity
in the toils of European ambition, rivalship, interest, humor
or caprice?
It
is our true policy to steer clear of permanent alliances with
any portion of the foreign world; so far, I mean, as we are now
at liberty to do it; for let me not be understood as capable of
patronizing infidelity to existing engagements. I hold the maxim
no less applicable to public than to private affairs, that honesty
is always the best policy. I repeat it, therefore, let those engagements
be observed in their genuine sense. But, in my opinion, it is
unnecessary and would be unwise to extend them.
http://www.yale.edu/lawweb/avalon/washing.htm
Washington
spoke of "infidelity to existing engagements." What did he have
in mind? One document: the American-French treaty of 1778, which
brought the French into our War for Independence. It was a mutual
defense treaty. In 1800, it was mutually abrogated. What our generation
has forgotten is that the United States did not enter into another
mutual defense treaty until the NATO treaty of 1949.
The
Balance of Power
A
little over a week ago, I phoned my friend Sam Cohen. Sam invented
the neutron bomb. This bomb kills front-line enemy soldiers with
radiation. The farther from the detonation, the fewer killed. Most
enemy troops are incapacitated for a few weeks. It does not knock
down buildings. It is strictly a tactical weapon. Or, should I say,
it was. President Bush destroyed all of them before he left office.
I
called Sam because I had read a report of the possible deployment
of tactical nuclear weapons by the U.S. and Russia in Afghanistan.
This included neutron bombs. He was skeptical. "We can't deploy
what we don't have." I asked him if he thought the Russians had
developed a neutron bomb. He said they probably had. I asked if
this joint alliance might plan to use the Russians' inventory. An
October 6 story, still on-line (http://www.debka.com),
speaks of Russian bombers armed with small neutron bombs. He was
still skeptical.
I
asked him a question. "Do you think that the United States has adopted
the traditional British foreign policy of the balance of power,
where we create shifting alliances where we move back and forth
in an attempt to keep other nations off-balance?" He did not hesitate:
"Yes."
What
is the balance of power? It is something like the following.
President
Bush in his October 11 speech said that the U.S. government gave
$170 million earlier this year to Afghanistan. What he did not say
was that this aid has been distributed by the United Nations. The
State Department has admitted
this. In fact, the State Department says, the U.S. government
has given $184 million this year. It gave $113 million last year.
It plans to give another $320 million. Who gets the credit in the
eyes of the Afghan people? The United Nations, which is headed by
a Muslim, Kofi Anan, a Ghananian. In the 1980's, we sent food to
Saddam Hussein. After all, he was fighting the Iranians.
The
U.S. has entered into an alliance with Russia to invade Afghanistan
to destroy the Taliban. This is now necessary because, in the late
1970's, the U.S. government began arming the Afghans in an attempt
to lure the USSR into attacking Afghanistan, thereby embroiling
the Soviets in their own Vietnam. Zbigniew Brzezinski admitted this
in a 1998
interview.
We
then armed the most radical of the Afghan mujahadin, especially
the troops under Hekmatyar. I remember the libertarian adventurer
Jack Wheeler warning against Hekmatyar in the 1980's. Hekmatyar's
theology is close to the Taliban's: complete hatred of the West.
Now we are arming him again. He is now part of the Northern Alliance.
We
are using Pakistan to help us fight the Taliban. But Pakistan is
an ally of the Taliban. Pakistan and the Northern Alliance despise
each other. In fact, the term, "Northern Alliance," is Pakistan's
term. The alliance calls itself the United Front. Americans are
not being told any of the following:
One
key ally must be the Northern Alliance, whose public face, following
the assassination of General Massoud by a novel Taleban weapon,
the suicide television crew, is their civilised and charming foreign
minister Dr Abdullah Abdullah. It was he who earned considerable
gratitude at ITN by flying our team into northern Afghanistan.
Yet
ask him about Pakistan, a key member of the U.S. coalition, and
an uninterrupted flow of anger and bile comes out. "The United
States must understand that Pakistan is the source of all evil
in this region," he told me. Some in Dr Abdullah's circle are
said to believe that the United States should terminate the "Pakistani
menace" by dropping a nuclear bomb on them.
In
Pakistan, sentiments towards the Northern Alliance are scarcely
warmer. To an astonishing degree the Pakistani world view is formed
by one simple question: will India gain or lose from what happens?
Thus the long-standing policy of the Pakistani government, formulated
and imposed by the ISI intelligence service, has been that any
government in Kabul, no matter how extreme or loony, is acceptable
as long as it is firmly pro-Pakistan and fulfils the cherished
objective of reviving the Pakistani nation with "strategic depth".
Seen through this prism, the Pashtu-speaking Taleban have always
been the tool of choice, while the Northern Alliance is seen as
a gaggle of largely irrelevant ethnic minorities who are probably
in the pay of the Indian secret service. An embarrassing fact
which Washington may choose not to highlight is that while America
and Britain battle with the Taleban, there are still hundreds
if not thousands of Pakistani citizens, including professional
soldiers, in Taleban ranks, confronting the Northern Alliance.
As for the Alliance itself, Spectator readers should immediately
correct their nomenclature, for, as Dr Abdullah told me firmly,
the term "Northern Alliance" is a Pakistani invention and the
correct name is the "United Front".
This
appeared in The
Spectator (Oct. 6).
India
joined the U.S.-Russian alliance last
March. Meanwhile, Pakistan has long been a safe haven for Muslim
death squads used in Kashmir against Indian rule. India keeps protesting,
to no avail.
We
have now launched a war against terrorism in general. We will not
rest until it is stamped out.
Therefore,
we will not rest.
We
have endless allies. We also have endless enemies. They and we keep
changing sides. And the money keeps changing hands: from ours to
theirs, from our wallets to the U.S. Treasury, and from there to
parts unknown.
Conclusion
George
Washington had it right.
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2001 LewRockwell.com
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