What I Learned From Duke University
by
Gary North
by Gary North
DIGG THIS
I used to live
in Durham. I used to visit Duke’s magnificent open-stacks libraries
on a regular basis. I learned a lot in those libraries. But I learned
a lot more from Duke over the last month.
In 1942, America’s
most distinguished academic economist, Joseph Schumpeter, offered
a theory. He argued that America’s business elite had lost its will
to resist the socialists. The key to this surrender was higher education.
The anti-business socialists had been hired by America’s elite universities,
he said, yet the business elite continued to send their children
to these universities.
In 2007, Duke
University seemed to confirm half of Schumpeter’s thesis, in full
public view. But which half? This half: his thesis regarding the
surrender of America’s elite. But he was dead wrong about the triumph
of socialism. The socialists did not survive the fall of the Soviet
Union in 1991. They went down on the Good Ship Marx.
It is not socialists
who control America’s prestige universities. It never was, because
they never did. Socialists gained secure employment in American
universities, but never control. Those in control today are socialism’s
illegitimate ideological offspring, born out of wedlock by way of
socialism’s Darwinist soulmates. Those in control of the universities
today are the post-1965 moral drifters known as the hippies. They
cut their hair and bought tweed jackets, but they remain hippies.
It is not capitalism
that enrages them most, although they despise it. Rather, it is
middle-class morality, which gives rise to the free market because
the free market rests on the concept of inescapable personal responsibility
in a world governed by the inescapable fact of scarcity. The hippies
have always rejected any such morality. They also resent scarcity,
except insofar as it can be used to justify increased state control
over other people’s lives – a state controlled at the top by the
elite universities’ graduates.
On this point,
the professors share a deeply religious commitment with America’s
business elite.
Schumpeter
was entirely wrong. He completely misunderstood what the arrangement
was in 1942 . . . and still is. It was not that the business elite
had surrendered to socialism in 1942. It was that they hired socialists
and others to educate their children in the joys of regulated markets
– regulated so as to hamper the social enemies of both groups: consumers,
who were mostly middle class in 1942, or else the parents of those
who would be by 1950, the year of Schumpeter’s death.
The business
elite wanted government regulation of the free market to protect
them from the shifting and ruthless authority of consumers, who
have money to spend as they please. This commitment to regulated
markets increased exponentially, beginning in 1942: the wartime
planning boards.
The socialists
and their academic colleagues also wanted protection from the free
market: government-accredited colleges and academic tenure. They
received both, as well as the money to fund this insulated system
– insulated from the free market’s open entry and price competition.
Both sides
worked out a deal. They imported the system of higher education
that had been working in Prussia since about 1820. Expensive universities
would train the children of the elite to administer the regulatory
agencies and the corporations protected by these agencies. Low-tuition,
tax-funded state universities would train future mid-level administrators
and corporate employees, as well as a few bright graduates who could
be recruited by the elite. The high-tuition elite private universities
would train future senior officials, corporate executives, and the
senior lawyers who would work out the terms of the alliance. This
arrangement is still working just fine. It is business – and anti-business
– as usual.
SUPPLY
AND DEMAND
Duke University
has recently suffered the most well-publicized humiliation of any
university in my lifetime. Nothing else comes close. Duke University
has become the nation’s symbol of academic liberalism: deeply prejudiced,
emotion-driven, rumor-driven, ruthless, tyrannical, and – most of
all – gutless.
In response
to this publicity, Duke in 2007 received 19,170
applications from students whose families were prepared to pay
up to $45,000 in 20078, with about a 4% increase each year
thereafter – call it $190,000 – for their children to be awarded
a bachelor’s degree from Duke.
Are we living
in lunatic times? Indeed we are, and we have been for two generations.
Here is a representative
incident in the Duke University soap opera. After the story of the
alleged rape hit the media in March, 2006, 88 faculty members paid
to run a full-page ad in the student newspaper. The ad attacked
– of all things – the racist-sexist atmosphere at Duke.
What was the
response of Duke’s president to the story of the alleged rape? He
immediately did what any university president would have done. He
appointed several committees to look into the matter, criticized
no one, defended no one, accepted the "voluntary" resignation
of the lacrosse coach, and announced the cancellation of all lacrosse
games for the rest of the season.
Almost all
university presidents are a unique hybrid: half chameleon, half
jellyfish. They have the same sign inside their bottom desk drawer:
"The Buck Speeds Up Here."
All of this
bad publicity had no noticeable effect on the success of the university
in (1) recruiting very bright students, (2) removing small fortunes
from their families, and (3) continuing to indoctrinate students
in a form of politically correct liberalism that is so far to the
left that the Democratic National Committee stands in awe.
Until you understand
this phenomenon, you will not understand the nature of the culture
war. Until you understand why rich parents proudly send their children
into an ideological hellhole like Duke, decade after decade, you
will not understand why the business leaders of our society seem
unable to understand what they are facing. They are financing their
destruction and their children’s destruction.
To steal William
F. Buckley’s ancient quip, I would rather be governed by the first
200 names in the Durham telephone directory than by the faculty
of Duke University. I say this as a former resident of Durham.
A TIMELY
SETTLEMENT
On June 18,
2007, news agencies announced that Duke University had agreed to
an undisclosed financial settlement with the families of the lacrosse
students who had been suspended by Duke in 2006. One graduated in
2006. The other two were invited back on January 4. This issue was
this: On what basis had they been suspended?
Notice the
settlement date: June 18.
On Saturday,
June 16, the North Carolina Bar Association voted to disbar Mike
Nifong, the district attorney for the city of Durham. He was the
first sitting district attorney in the state’s history ever to be
disbarred. This was the lead story on the big three network TV evening
news shows: the tearful testimony of one of the students about how
he had been hurt and the tearful admission of a measure of guilt
– but not complete guilt – by Nifong.
On June 16,
Nifong’s career was clearly over. He had destroyed himself by relentlessly
pursuing a case based on the confused and self-contradictory testimony
of a stripper who, having made false accusations, had long since
disappeared from public view.
Where did that
leave Duke, which had expelled the students in 2006? The parents
were suing Duke. Duke settled out of court two days later. Duke’s
lawyers decided that discretion – plus three checks – is the better
part of valor.
This settlement
came two months after the Attorney General had pronounced the three
young men "innocent."
If this timing
looks to you as though Duke University’s lawyers decided to settle
with the families only after their chances of not being crushed
in a court of law were zero, then you see it the way I see it. It
looks as though they dragged things out until they saw where Nifong
was headed. Nifong went over the falls. Duke was close behind. Duke
settled.
Justice at
Duke? Yes, siree. Liberals’ justice. When the civil case against
Duke could not possibly be won in court, when news of the case would
be on national TV if Duke’s lawyers let the case go to court, when
potential donors would see the whole thing on national TV one more
time, Duke settled.
No information
on the size of the settlement was released. I am willing to guess
that it was large. It should have been large, given the humiliation
suffered by these students. Duke was not in a strong bargaining
position after June 16.
Duke was not
in a strong moral position after April, 2006. That did not bother
officials at Duke. The threat of a prime time court case did.
RACISM
AT DUKE
On April 6,
2006, the
ad was run in the campus newspaper. It had been paid for and
signed by 88 Duke professors in 17 departments. The headline: "What
Does a Social Disaster Sound Like?"
Now Duke’s
faculty knows the answer. It sounds just like the lead story on
three major TV networks. It sounds like howls of derisive laughter
from tens of millions of Duke non-alumni.
The ad has
been removed from the
web page of the Duke department that wrote it: the Department
of African and African-American Studies. Fortunately, the original
newspaper ad is still on-line. Here, we read of terrorism on campus.
The ad is filled
with quotations from unidentified students.
This one is
representative.
We want the
absence of terror. But we don’t really know what that means .
. . We can’t think. That’s why we’re so silent; we can’t think
about what’s on the other side of this. Terror robs you of language
and you need language for the healing to begin.
Yes, my friends,
terror – sheer, unadulterated terror – on a campus that charges
$45,000 a year. These students are trapped!
The ad spoke
for all 88 professors when it announced, "We can’t think."
But they surely did not remain silent.
Regardless
of the results of the police investigation, what is apparent everyday
now is the anger and fear of many students who know themselves
to be objects of racism and sexism, who see illuminated in this
moment’s extraordinary spotlight what they live with everyday.
These people
are unfamiliar with English grammar, yet some of them are English
professors. "Everyday" means common; "every day"
means all the time. Let me give an example of correct usage. "These
88 professors are everyday academic liberals who are out of touch
with reality every day of their lives."
The ad was
not so much an attack on the accused Duke lacrosse players as an
attack on Duke itself. But in the atmosphere created by Nifong and
the media, the ad implied that the lacrosse players reflected a
deep-seated racist-sexist student attitude on campus. The ad’s sponsors
might as well have been the Tawana Brawley Society, Duke Chapter.
Instead, 88 professors signed it.
The ad was
a symbolic lynching based on guilt manipulation. It reflected an
attitude that is almost universal on the most prestigious campuses
today in the humanities departments. "Love us; we’re victims."
Victims all: at $80,000 to $200,000 a year for six to nine hours
of lectures a week, 36 weeks a year. The horror!
When asked
to retract the ad, an unnamed group of Duke faculty members posted
this response:
We stand
by the claim that issues of race and sexual violence on campus
are real, and we join the ad’s call to all of us at Duke to do
something about this. We hope that the Duke community will emerge
from this tragedy as a better place for all of us to live, study,
and work.
As for the
students who railed anonymously against Duke, they are people who
have seen career success come to those who play the race card. They
are merely practicing for their lifetime careers, probably on a
Duke scholarship.
[Note: A "scholarship"
offered by a college is in fact a discount offered to one student
which is paid for by the full tuition paid by some other student’s
family – a family with a lot of money. This practice is a form of
wealth redistribution. Economists have a term for this: price discrimination.
It is a characteristic feature of organizations that are protected
by the government from competition: legal barriers to entry. The
government-licensed college accrediting associations perform this
service in higher education.]
The one exception
to all this was Duke’s economics department. Its 17 members signed
an ad inviting athletes in general and lacrosse team members in
particular to take classes in the department. That took courage
– not a lot, maybe, but some. On campus today, that’s all the courage
you are likely to find.
One bit of
information – unconfirmed – did leak out regarding Duke’s settlement.
The 88 professors in 17 departments who signed the ad will not be
sued by the parents.
GUILT
BY ASSOCIATION
The three accused
lacrosse players were not the only victims of this academic lynch
mob. In January, Kyle Dowd filed a lawsuit against Duke for academic
discrimination. Mr. Dowd had been a student in a class taught by
Kim Curtis, one of the 88 signers. He had received a grade of C-
on one paper and a C+ on the other. This counted for 50% of his
grade. After the rape accusation story broke, he received a grade
of F on his third paper and an F for the course. Another lacrosse
team member was also given an F, also on his final paper and in
the course. No other student received an F.
Dowd was a
senior. Seniors in any university rarely receive failing grades
in their last semester. First, they are too close to graduation.
An F can keep them from graduating. They hustle, or else they take
snap courses. Second, people who get F’s flunk out or leave school
before their senior year.
You should
visit Dr.
Curtis’s Duke web page. Here, you will read of her academic
achievements.
Visiting
Assistant Professor of Political Science, specializes in political
theory with particular concentration in contemporary continental
work and feminist theory. She has written Our Sense of the Real:
Aesthetic Experience and Arendtian Politics. She has also published
articles on multicultural education, ethical debates among feminists
over new reproductive technologies, and the early women’s liberation
movement.
Why Mr. Dowd
enrolled in this woman’s course is far beyond my powers of comprehension.
But he did.
What, you may
ask, is a "visiting assistant professor"? An assistant
professor is a low-rung faculty member who is hoping to get tenure,
which guarantees that he or she cannot get fired short of committing
a felony. After five to seven years, an assistant professor is usually
either granted tenure (rare) or told that his/her contract will
not be renewed after the next year (common). At that point, he/she
goes looking for a job at a community college. His/her career is
over in the academic big leagues.
Dr. Curtis
has been teaching at Duke for ten years. This is rare for a visiting
assistant professor, who ranks just above an instructor. Here is
how the University of California, Berkeley, describes
the position.
These positions
are either part-time and/or limited, fixed term appointments.
Visiting positions range from one semester to three years, and
at times are renewable. Typically, visiting professors are hired
to replace faculty on leave or to provide coverage in an area
where the administration doesn’t want to commit a tenure slot.
Visiting/adjunct faculty generally carry higher teaching loads
at a significantly lower salary than their tenure-track brethren.
She has been
in a low-level, non-tenure track position far beyond what is normal.
Duke has now paid for its decision not to encourage her to seek
employment elsewhere. On May 11, Duke released
this announcement, which is not on Duke’s website, but should
be.
This lawsuit
has been settled through mediation to the mutual satisfaction
of Kyle Dowd and his family and Duke University, and without any
admission by any party of legal liability. The mediated settlement
terms are, of course, confidential.
As reflected
on Kyle’s transcript, he has received from Duke University a "P"
in the Politics and Literature course he took in his senior year.
He got the
"P" for Pass because he had appealed the F in order to
graduate. At first, the university’s bureaucracy ignored his appeal.
Visiting assistant professors have more clout than students – though
nobody else. But, as a potential disaster grew more likely regarding
the lacrosse team’s case, they changed it to a "D," claiming
that there had been a "calculation error" on Prof. Curtis’s
part. She is apparently very good at multicultural education, but
poor at math . . . or so the Duke bureaucracy wants the public to
believe.
Perhaps Duke
will keep her on, just to save face. But Duke could hire any of
a dozen replacement candidates with Ph.D.’s from Harvard, not the
University of Massachusetts. Her main qualification for a tenured
position is that she is regarded as a
poor teacher by students. This may console her tenured peers.
THE PRESIDENT
SPEAKS
On April 22,
almost two weeks after the Attorney General declared the students
innocent, Dr. Richard Brodhead, the president (read: senior fund-raiser)
of Duke University, gave a speech to the Duke Alumni Association.
After the speech, he was asked about the lacrosse situation. He
blamed the media for Duke’s troubles.
Here is a man
who had cancelled the lacrosse season, accepted the "voluntary"
resignation of the coach, and had eaten plates of crow dished out
by the Committee of 88 and its faculty defenders about terrorism
on the Duke campus. You may recall the old TV show, "Bowling
for Dollars." I call this speech "Groveling for Dollars."
It is posted on Duke’s "Development" website. ("Development":
a code word for "Write us a fat check, you fat cat dimwits.")
Here are some samples.
All I want
to tell you about this is that one of the really, really disturbing
things about this episode has been to discover that the media
– including the most respected forms of the media – if you go
back to the early stories, they are all written in the key of
hysteria, they are all written to inspire hysteria, and they teach
the lesson that hysteria breeds extraordinary mental simplifications.
. . .
This argument
is reminiscent of the complaints by southern politicians regarding
"outside agitators" and "yankee reporters" back
in 1965. It sells as well to the Duke alumni as it sold to white
voters in the South in 1965.
Next, President
Brodhead insisted, it was all a big misunderstanding – a misunderstanding
fostered by the media.
Now you know
one of the troubles is, we can’t go back to all these networks
afterward and say, "Now that that blew over, would you care
to give us the same amount of air time to tell the truth about
this story?" That is not the way the media work.
In Dr. Brodhead’s
version of historical reality, the Attorney General of North Carolina
did not just declare the students as innocent. He also implicitly
declared Duke University innocent. But the media deliberately failed
to report this.
Duke had a
fine opportunity to prove his point, with the media in full attendance.
Duke could have demanded that all three civil cases be tried before
a jury. Instead, Duke settled out of court with no disclosure. What
a shame. Justice denied!
Dr. Brodhead
is scared. He has lived for over a year being scared, but now he
is really scared. This incident may affect the self-respect
of graduates of Duke. This could affect donations. This is every
university president’s nightmare. He said:
Nothing has
pained me more about this episode than the notion that people
don’t want to say where they went to college, because that name
is now a source of embarrassment.
A source of
embarrassment? Here are millionaires with piles money to donate,
and President Brodhead thinks some of them might be embarrassed
by the off-the-wall newspaper ad by the Gang of 88. I wonder why.
The alumni have seen their university dragged through the mud –
mud laid down by a now-disgraced District Attorney. Yet 88 faculty
members had publicly justified the mud. "It’s
worse than you think. It’s terrorism here!" Meanwhile, the
rest of the faculty, except for the economics department, did nothing.
Why should any Duke graduate be embarrassed? But they just may be.
So, he hastened to add,
If you are
ever in a situation where you find yourself in that light, you’ve
just got to turn that around. You’ve got to walk up and say some
true thing about this place that is a source of pride and, Lord
knows, there are many. And you know what? At the end of the day,
this place will be known as it is. It will be known for what it
is. And I hope this will be a better place after this episode.
But it won’t be an altogether different place. It will be known
for the excellence that characterizes us now. And that’s all of
our work, to bring that day about. Thanks.
According to
the introduction to the posted
version of this speech, "His remarks received a standing
ovation."
A FOOL
AND HIS MONEY. . . .
The alumni
cheered.
Over 19,000
families begged Duke to let them spend $190,000 to be taught by
the likes of Visiting Assistant Professor Curtis.
What is going
on here? This: business as usual.
Let us return
to 1942. In that year, Joseph Schumpeter’s book appeared, Capitalism,
Socialism, and Democracy. Schumpeter, a Harvard economist,
was probably the most respected academic American economist in his
day. He understood the failure of successful businessmen to understand
the nature of the threat that modern intellectuals, especially university
intellectuals, pose to the free market economy that has allowed
these businessmen to succeed. It was true in 1942. It is doubly
true today.
These men are
so short-sighted that they pay to have their children taught by
their ideological enemies. On page 161 of his book, Schumpeter penned
one of the most profound analyses of the modern bourgeoisie that
I have ever read. It had only one defect. It was wrong.
Perhaps the
most striking feature of the picture is the extent to which the
bourgeoisie, besides educating its own enemies, allows itself
in turn to be educated by them. It absorbs the slogans of current
radicalism and seems quite willing to undergo a process of conversion
to a creed hostile to its very existence. Haltingly and grudgingly
it concedes in part the implications of that creed. This would
be most astonishing and indeed very hard to explain were it not
for the fact that the typical bourgeois is rapidly losing faith
in his own creed.
This is verified
by the very characteristic manner in which particular capitalist
interests and bourgeoisie as a whole behave when facing direct
attack. They talk and plead – or hire people to do it for them;
they snatch at every chance of compromise; they are ever ready
to give in; they never put up a fight under the flag of their
own ideals and interests – in this country there was no real resistance
anywhere against the imposition of crushing financial burdens
during the last decade or against labor legislation incompatible
with the effective management of industry. . . . Means of defense
were not entirely lacking and history is full of examples of the
success of small groups who, believing in their cause, were resolved
to stand by their guns. The only explanation for the meekness
we observe is that the bourgeois order no longer makes any sense
to the bourgeoisie itself and that, when all is said and nothing
is done, it does not really care.
Schumpeter
was wrong about the business elite in 1942. It cared, and cared
deeply. It cared about insulating itself from the competition of
the free market. By funding the universities that employed socialists,
the elite was buying them off, putting them on academic leashes.
(The story of how John D. Rockefeller, Jr., bought off American
social scientists by well-placed charitable funding is told in great
detail by the Leftist sociologist, Donald Fisher, in his 1993 book,
Fundamental
Development of the Social Sciences.) The elite hired a few
socialists and their non-socialist Darwinist peers to undermine
any lingering commitment of their children to middle-class morality,
which they regarded as beneath them. This is why the elite did not
protest in 1960 when gender-mixed dorms appeared, especially in
state universities. This speeded up the process of moral erosion.
Schumpeter
was also wrong about socialism, which was only a subset of the intellectuals’
war against capitalism. The university was at war with the concept
of moral cause and effect in a world of inescapable personal responsibility,
a moral system that says, "Thou shalt not steal, even by majority
vote." It still is.
President Brodhead
is a well-paid agent of both groups, the business elite and the
professorate: men and women who are at war with American society
and the moral foundations of Western civilization. His job, above
all other jobs, is to preserve the mutual arrangement without disturbances
from outside the campus. He is required to gain funding from the
elite’s high-income world, a world of easy divorce, easy adultery,
and high-paid lawyers who defend both. The elite and the professorate
regard money as a tool in their joint war against society’s losers.
They see average
Americans as the losers: married couples who work all their lives
to stay ahead of the bill collectors, the tax collectors, and the
Federal Reserve System’s digital printing press.
Under Dr. Brodhead’s
leadership, the full insanity of today’s professorial moral indignation
– an indignation based on envy against their wealthy and mostly
white handlers – became evident because of the lacrosse case. Lacrosse
is an elite New England sport, rivaled only by rowing. The temptation
for ersatz moral outrage in the name of the oppressed, directed
against the sons of their rich employers, became too great for the
hippie professors to resist. They went public. The media spotted
them. President Brodhead responded: "Red alert! Red alert!"
The academic
world is never supposed to become this visible to the public. President
Brodhead was unsuccessful in his attempt to keep the media’s spotlights
away from Duke. Month by month, Duke moved steadily from blogs to
prime-time national news. He was also incredibly inept at media
relations. Now he blames the media for the moral insanity that Duke
became long ago, along with the whole of American higher education.
Richard Brodhead
is arguably the most inept president in the history of America’s
elite education. Under his administration, the faculty’s most vocal
hippies got off their leashes temporarily, and the media covered
this.
May he not
be the last.
CONCLUSION
The elite bourgeoisie
and the professors are allied together in a struggle to overcome
historic Christianity and the free market. To put this as a slogan,
they stand together against Moses and Mises against Moses,
because they refuse to answer to God; against Mises, because they
refuse to answer to consumers.
Hippies, even
in tweed jackets, remain hippies. The high-IQ ones saw their opportunity
in 1970: tenured employment. They took it.
Until the top
1% of America’s students cease attending the elite three dozen universities
in the United States, of which Duke is one, all of which present
the same basic outlook on society that Duke does, the war to save
this civilization is still in its infancy. The best and the brightest
from all over the world are instructed in these asylums.
What offers
us at least some legitimate hope is this: the tenured and untenured
hippies who now occupy the high-prestige seats of higher learning
are not taken seriously by all of their students. I am convinced
that, a decade after their graduation, a majority of their students
will not even recall their professors’ names. Nonsense has a tendency
to fade in the face of challenges in the non-tenured world.
The
lesson: keep your children away from these high-IQ tenured nihilists.
If the elite want to play moral Russian roulette with their children’s
lives by sending them to elite universities, let them. If your elite-uncertified
child cannot get tenure after graduation, shed no tears. Job security
tends to corrupt, and tenure corrupts absolutely maybe not
an individual, but the market-insulated institution that provides
it.
June
23, 2007
Gary
North [send him mail] is the
author of Mises
on Money. Visit http://www.garynorth.com.
He is also the author of a free 19-volume series, An
Economic Commentary on the Bible.
Copyright ©
2007 LewRockwell.com
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