The Bush
Administration’s serial blunders in the Mideast have not only
seriously undermined American influence over the region, they
have opened the way for new, emerging superpowers to vie for
its energy resources.
Energy
security has become the primary and most immediate strategic
concern of Asia’s two rising giants, India and China. The Middle
East will soon feel the full force of this growing competition.
China’s
and India’s blazing 9% plus economic growth rate has pushed
them well beyond their original estimates of energy needs, and
is even causing tightening supplies in certain sectors. As a
result, alarm bells are ringing in Delhi and Beijing and an
urgent, often unseemly scramble for new sources of oil is under
way.
Last fall,
I attended the Chinese-African summit in Beijing, the culmination
of a masterful campaign by China to lock up a large chunk of
Africa’s energy and mineral resources. China, which efficiently
integrated its energy and military policies, used financial
and military aid, and a lot of flattering personal diplomacy,
to secure oil concessions in Africa and Asia.
Indian
officials in Delhi and the business community here in Bombay/Mumbai
are deeply worried China may soon have secured all available
remaining oil supplies not already controlled by the United
States. They are clamoring for action to secure energy supplies
for India to assure its continued economic growth and expanding
military power.
India’s
modest domestic oil production has been waning, forcing it to
import 70% of its oil. India’s imports account for 3.2% of world
oil imports; China’s 7.6%; the US 25%; and Europe 26%.
India,
quite clearly, is being left way behind in the stampede to secure
energy supplies. Its oil imports will need to double by 2030
from the current 2.4 million bbls daily to sustain growth. By
that year, China’s imports will also double and reach 12 million
bbls daily.
Since most
of this oil will originate from the Gulf or Indonesia, both
Asian superpowers are rushing to deploy deep-water naval forces
to protect their oil lifelines, just as the US has done since
World War II.
China is
building a fleet of modern attack submarines, some of them nuclear-powered,
adding missile-armed surface combatants, and extending the range
of its land-based naval aviation. The People’s Navy has gone
from being a weak “brown water” coastal force to a true “blue-water”
navy that could even challenge the US 7th Fleet in
a clash over Taiwan.
But China
is unable to project naval power westward through the Strait
of Malacca into the vast Indian Ocean and to the Gulf due to
its lack of bases and air cover. Here, India holds a major advantage.
India’s
modern aircraft carrier, long-ranged shore-based aviation, and
modern, Russian-supplied attack submarines and frigates armed
with deadly cruise missiles will give India maritime dominance
over the entire Indian Ocean from the coast of East Africa to
Australia. Only the US Navy could challenge India’s sway over
the Indian Ocean.
But China’s
securing of port rights in Burma, warm relations with East African
states, and expanding influence in energy-rich Central Asia,
worries India. At the same time, India’s surging naval power
has deeply alarmed Pakistan, whose oil lifeline through the
port of Karachi could be quickly severed by an Indian naval
blockade.
Having
come late to the Monopoly-like game of grabbing as many key
oil properties as possible, India is now racing to make up for
lost time. Being a democracy prone to debilitating party politics
and infighting, India cannot operate with the ruthless strategic
efficiency and speed of Communist China, but it knows time is
running short.
What
this means is that some time soon, India’s strategic energy
and political interests are going to start actively competing,
if not openly colliding, in the Mideast with those of the region’s
hegemon, the United States. In fact, it is surprising that India
has been so slow to recognize that its national security will
demand a deeper involvement in the Gulf and greater Mideast.
While India’s strategists are well aware of this fact, its politicians
have been slow to understand just how dependant their growing
economy will become on imported oil.
India’s
surging economy and military will need access to Arab and Iranian
oil which, after all, is almost next-door. Thanks to Washington’s
self-destructive Mideast policies, this door is now open to
India.
The five-way
contest between the US, India, Japan, Europe, and China for
Asia and Africa’s energy resources promises to be fascinating.
Welcome to the new Great Game.