Much
of the Western world just honored the millions of soldiers fallen
in the two world wars. But we also need to look beyond postwar
myths and understand the tragic political mistakes that sent
these soldiers to die in wars that might have been avoided.
In his
powerful new book, Hitler,
Churchill and the Unnecessary War, veteran politician
and author Pat Buchanan challenges many historic taboos by claiming
that Winston Churchill plunged Britain and its empire, including
Canada, into wars whose outcome was disastrous for all concerned.
Other writers,
me included, have made the same point for decades, but Buchanan
has marshaled a formidable array of facts and historians to
support his case.
For me,
World War I was the most tragic 20th Century conflict.
It was triggered by Serbia and Austro-Hungary. After Russia
and France began gearing for war, Germany was dragged into the
conflict by the doomsday machine of troop mobilization schedules.
Britain could have halted the war, or let the continental powers
fight until they came to a truce. But Churchill and his fellow
imperialists determined to destroy Germany, a new rival to Britain’s
wealth and power.
World War
I should have ended in 1917 when both sides were exhausted and
stalemated. America’s entry into the war resulted in Germany’s
defeat and ensuing postwar suffering. The German, Habsburg,
and Ottoman Empires were torn apart by the lupine victors and
reduced to ruin, creating today’s unstable Balkans and Mideast.
Had Germany
and its allies not been defeated, had a Carthaginian Peace not
been imposed upon them at Versailles and Trianon, there might
never have been a Hitler, Communist Russia or World War II.
Europe’s Jews may have escaped destruction.
Churchill
made the fatal error in World War II of backing Poland’s hold
on Danzig even though Britain could do nothing to defend Poland,
Yugoslavia, or Czechoslovakia from Hitler’s attempts to reunite
million of Germans stranded in these new nations by the dreadful
Versailles Treaty. Britain’s declaration of war on Germany over
Poland led to a general European war. After suffering 5.6 million
dead, Poland ended up occupied by the Soviet Union.
Buchanan’s
heretical view, and mine, is that the Western democracies should
have let Hitler expand his Reich eastward until it inevitably
went to war with the even more dangerous Soviet Union. Once
these despotisms had exhausted themselves, the Western democracies
would have been left dominating Europe. The lives of millions
of Western civilians and soldiers would have been spared.
In
the end, Churchill and US President Franklin were so obsessed
with crushing Germany, and so seduced by "Uncle Joe"
Stalin, they handed half of Europe to the Soviet Union, a far
more murderous and dangerous tyranny by an order of magnitude
than Hitler’s Germany. From his Soviet gulag cell, Alexander
Solzhenitsyn called Roosevelt and Churchill "stupid."
Buchanan’s
book is important because we see some Western leaders making
the same grave errors as in the 20th Century and
idolizing the arch imperialist, Churchill. The latest example:
extension of NATO to Russia’s borders. As in the case of Poland
in 1939, the West cannot defend the Baltic, Ukraine or Georgia,
and has no vital interests there.
Yet
NATO is giving the rulers of these nations the ability to drag
them into a potential nuclear war with Russia. Georgia’s idiotic
little aggression this fall offers a striking example. Ukraine’s
independence must be guaranteed, but it must not be transformed
into a dagger pointed at Russia’s underbelly.
Have we
learned nothing from the 20th Century’s apocalyptic
wars? As Buchanan says, Churchill’s giveaway of Eastern Europe
at Moscow and Yalta was a far graver blunder than Chamberlain’s
concessions at Munich in 1938.
Buchanan’s
book strips away lingering war propaganda and shows the cynicism,
lust for power, and foolishness of the "saintly" Allied
war leaders and their "good" war.
As Ben
Franklin said, there is no good war, nor bad peace.