My Tiny Hopes Crushed
by
Gail Jarvis
by
Gail Jarvis
I
had a hope, a remote one I admit, that George W. Bush might approach
his second term in a more principled and courageous manner. As he
cannot run again, I thought he might at least rise above pandering
to special groups. Unfortunately, his first few weeks after re-election
are probably a preview of coming attractions. More pandering.
I
understand that we live in a time when a president risks incurring
the wrath of media, academia and the entertainment field if he picks
cabinet appointees based solely on their experience and competence,
as was done in the past. Today's appointees must, in the words of
Bill Clinton, "look like America." In others words they must conform
to quotas. Early indications are that Bush will be obedient to the
rainbow cabinet dictate.
From
his corral of sycophants, Bush has already lassoed a couple of docile
rainbow appointees. His pick for Secretary of State is the submissive
Condoleezza Rice, a female and the first female black American to
hold the office.
For
Attorney General, Bush has selected Alberto Gonzales, an Hispanic,
probably hoping to curry favor with America's large group of Hispanic
voters.
But,
in choosing Gonzales as the nations primary law enforcement officer,
Bush may be making the worst
decision of his career. In fact, if the Senate refuses to confirm
Gonzales, it will be doing Bush a favor. Alberto Gonzales was, in
essence, Bush's 'yes-man' on the Texas Supreme Court when W was
Governor of that state. Therefore, Bush cannot claim that he didn't
know how Gonzales would conduct the affairs of the Justice Department.
Alberto
Gonzales has the enthusiastic endorsement of The National Council
of La Raza; a Latino advocacy group and the Hispanic counterpart
to the NAACP. Indeed, Gonzales served on the board of directors
of the NCLR's oldest affiliate, the Association for the Advancement
of Mexican Americans. The motto of the NCLR reads: "For those within
the race everything, for those outside the race, nothing." This
organization is pressuring states to offer in-state tuition rates
to illegal aliens a benefit not even available to out-of-state
U.S. citizens. The organization is also lobbying for legislation
for amnesty for illegal immigrants, the prevention of enforcement
of immigration laws by state and local police, as well as driver's
licenses for illegal immigrants.
In
its endorsement of Gonzales, the NCLR stated: "We are very encouraged
by the Gonzales nomination. During his tenure as White House counsel,
he has been one of the most accessible members of the White House,
and we have every expectation that his nomination will be very well
received in the Latino community."
Gonzales
supported the Administration's policy of indefinitely detaining
so-called "enemy combatants" without access to lawyers. As a member
of the Texas Supreme Court, Gonzales held that a 17-year-old girl
did not have to obtain parental consent in order to obtain an abortion.
Although these incidents give you insight into the legal mind of
Gonzales, I want to briefly relate an episode that was particularly
odious to me, and says a lot about our President and his Attorney
General nominee.
This
incident had its beginning after then Texas Governor George W. Bush
decided to run for president in the 2000 election. The Texas NAACP
saw this as an opportune time to exact another concession from the
state using as leverage the implied threat of embarrassing Bush's
presidential campaign. The Texas NAACP had a history of getting
what it demanded from vulnerable office holders and office seekers.
In 1973, the organization was able to coerce the State of Texas
to eliminate two holidays Robert E. Lee's birthday (January 19)
and Jefferson Davis' birthday (June 3). The two deleted holidays
were combined into one Confederate Heroes Day to be celebrated
on January 19. Next, the State designated the 3rd Monday in January
as Martin Luther King Jr. Day.
In
2000, the NAACP's target was two small plaques on the outside of
the Texas Supreme Court. One contained a replica of the Confederate
Battle flag and a brief quote form Robert E. Lee praising Texans
who fought for the Confederacy. The other plaque contained the official
Confederate seal and a dedication to "Texans who served the Confederacy."
The plaques were relatively inconspicuous and had not attracted
any notice until Governor Bush decided to run for president.
The
removal campaign began with a letter from the president of the Texas
NAACP demanding the elimination of the two small plaques. The letter
refers to the issue as "a matter of major importance" and said of
the Confederate flag: "It is immoral, given its connection to slavery,
and more recently, neo-nazi and other hate groups" and "We should
not be so shortsighted to pass it off as merely a valued symbol
associated with someone's heritage."
Governor
Bush's Executive Assistant responded to the NAACP's letter, hoping
that his reasoned explanation would placate the organization. He
said: "These symbols and emblems reflect the history and diversity
that make Texas unique." Then he presented a brief background on
the plaques.
"The
small plaque outside the Supreme Court you mentioned is not an official
State symbol. As you may know, the people of Texas overwhelmingly
supported a constitutional amendment in 1954 to transfer the Confederate
Pension Fund to the State Building Fund for the purpose of constructing
a Courts Building. The 1955 Legislature then passed enabling legislation
to reflect the will of the people. The law in part stipulated that
the building should be designated as a memorial to Texans who served
in the Armed Services of the Confederate States of America and that
a suitable cornerstone or plaque should be integrated into the construction
of the building for this memorial purpose."
But,
trying to reason with the NAACP is like trying to undo a knot with
one hand. Knowing it held the winning cards as a result of its earlier
victories, the NAACP ignored the response from the Governor's office
and decided to do what it does best; engage in civic disobedience.
It voted to hold a rally at the state Capitol to protest the two
plaques on the Supreme Court building.
Now
get this: While these events were taking place, a clandestine plan
to remove the plaques was already being coordinated by a clique
including Texas Supreme Court Justice Al Gonzales with the blessing
of Governor Bush. Two replacement plaques were ordered, containing
language that was negotiated with the NAACP behind closed doors.
These two plaques were the same size as the offending plaques so
they could be easily exchanged. Then, on a weekend when the Court
was closed, the plaques were quietly swapped. The proposed swap
was not discussed with Confederate groups. They only learned of
it shortly before it took place. The general public was not notified
of the exchange either and obviously was not allowed to vote on
it.
Gonzales
replaced the plaque with the Robert E. Lee quote with one that read:
"The courts of Texas are entrusted with providing equal justice
under the law to all persons regardless of race, creed or color."
This incredibly bland statement would make even the writers of grade
school text books blush but it satisfied the NAACP. As a replacement
for the plaque that bore the Confederate Seal, Gonzales approved
language that was as close to an apology as possible: "Because this
building was built with monies from the Confederate Pension Fund,
it was, at that time, designated as a memorial to the Texans who
served the Confederacy." Can you imagine a commemorative plaque
containing such a tone of repentance? Why didn't Gonzales add: "Please
forgive us!" ?
When
this furtive exchange finally came to light, the Governor's office
raced to justify its cowardly cave-in to the NAACP by stating that
the switch was to "help assure all Texans that our courts provide
fair and impartial justice." Did a majority of Texans think that
their courts did not try to be fair and impartial? Even more to
the point, were George Bush and Al Gonzales not aware of the dwindling
support for the NAACP by the state's blacks? Or were they only
concerned about how the national media might spin the plaque incident
in order to impede Bush's presidential campaign?
While
Alberto Gonzales was covertly arranging for the plaques to be switched,
the president of the Texas NAACP accused the Texas Supreme Court
of being "tainted." The gonadless Gonzales made no attempt to defend
the Court, but simply continued the sneaky underground plan to switch
the plaques without the public's knowledge. The ever-loyal Gonzales
made the swap while Mr. Bush was out of the state campaigning for
president.
So
this is Alberto Gonzales; the man that George W. Bush, the Lone
Star Lilliputian, wants to take over the nation's Justice Department.
This is the man who made no attempt to defend two inconspicuous
plaques that had been approved by the citizens of Texas and the
man who did not stand up for his fellow Texas Supreme Court members
after the Court was slandered by the NAACP. This is the man whose
first knee-jerk reaction to a complaint from an activist group was
to immediately capitulate. And this is the man who concealed the
switch of voter- approved plaques from the public.
If
Alberto Gonzales yielded so easily to the NAACP, can there be any
doubt as to how he will react to demands from The National Council
of La Raza?
I
sincerely hope that our Senate will have the good sense to reject
the Gonzales nomination. If it does not, we will be left wondering
how many other back room deals Al Gonzales will cut "under cover
of dark." We might find ourselves wishing for the return of Janet
Reno.
December
1, 2004
Gail
Jarvis [send
him mail], a CPA living in
Beaufort, SC, is an advocate of the voluntary union of states established
by the founders.
Copyright
© 2004 LewRockwell.com
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