CENTCOM's
Master Plan and U.S. Global Hegemony
by
Robert Higgs
by Robert Higgs
DIGG THIS
Many people
deny that the U.S. government presides over a global empire. If
you speak of U.S. imperialism, they will fancy that you must be
a decrepit Marxist-Leninist who has recently awakened after spending
decades in a coma. Yet the facts cannot be denied, however much
people's ideology may predispose them to distort or obfuscate those
facts.
How can
a government that maintains more
than 800 military facilities in more than 140 different foreign
countries be anything other than an imperial power? The hundreds
of thousands of troops who operate those bases and conduct operations
from them, not to mention the approximately 125,000 sailors and
Marines aboard the U.S. warships that cruise the oceans, are not
going door to door selling Girl Scout cookies. United States of
America is the name; intimidation is the game.
Of course,
the kingpins who control this massive machinery of coercion never
describe it in such terms. In their lexis, American motives and
actions are invariably noble. Listening to these bigwigs describe
what the U.S. forces abroad are doing, you would never suspect that
they seek anything but "regional stability," "security," "deterrence
of potential regional aggressors," and "economic development and
cooperation among nations." Inasmuch as hardly anybody favors instability,
insecurity, international aggression, economic retrogression, and
mutual strife among nations, the U.S. objectives, and hence the
actions taken in their furtherance, would appear to be indisputably
laudable.
Yet, from
time to time, a U.S. leader lets slip an expression so revealing
that it warrants a thousand times greater weight than the vague,
mealy-mouthed banalities they routinely dispense. I came across
such a statement recently. In seeking funds in 2007 for construction
of a $62 million ammunition storage facility at Bagram Air Base,
Admiral
William J. Fallon, then the commander of the U.S. Central Command
(CENTCOM), referred to Bagram as "the centerpiece for the CENTCOM
Master Plan for future access to and operations in Central Asia."
Pause to
savor this phrase for a moment; let it roll around in your mind:
CENTCOM Master Plan for future access to and operations in Central
Asia. What an intriguing expression! What dramatic images of
future U.S. military actions it evokes! But can those actions be
anything other than the very sort that empires undertake? Ask yourself:
why does the U.S. military anticipate conducting operations in Central
Asia, a region that lies thousands of miles from the United States
and comprises countries that lack either the capacity or the intention
to seriously harm Americans who mind their own business in their
own national territory? Indeed, what is the U.S. military doing
in Central Asia in the first place? Have you ever heard of "the
Great Game"?
When the
Army sought the funds for the new ammunition storage facility at
Bagram again this year, its request echoed Admiral Fallon's sentiments
by stating:
"As a forward operating site, Bagram must be able to provide for
a long term, steady state presence which is able to surge to meet
theater contingency requirements." The statement's reference to
"a long term, steady state presence" would seem to be especially
revealing because it takes for granted that U.S. forces will not
be leaving this part of the world any time soon. Giving even more
weight to this interpretation, Congress approved not only the $62
million for the ammunition storage facility, but also $41 billion
for a 30-megawatt electrical power plant at Bagram, a plant large
enough to serve more than 20,000 American homes.
Along the
same lines, Lt. Colonel John Sotham, commander of the 455 Expeditionary
Force Support Squadron, which is now stationed at Bagram Air Base,
recently described
a number of improvements his squadron is making at the base, looking
toward giving it "a more permanent footprint." He added: "It's pretty
clear that the U.S. Air Force will be at Camp Cunningham [a living
area at Bagram] and involved in the fight against terrorism for
a very long time." He relished the opportunity to "help drive Bagram
from expeditionary to enduring!"
The United
States government divides the world into six
military regions called Unified
Combatant Commands. (A separate Africa Command has been created
only recently. Once it is fully operational, it will include all
of the African countries except Egypt. A few other northeastern
African countries were previously included in the Central Command's
area of responsibility.) The Central Command, abbreviated as CENTCOM,
stretches from Egypt, Saudi Arabia, and Yemen in the West to Kazakhstan,
Kyrgystan, Tajikistan, and Pakistan in the East. The easternmost
reaches of this combatant area butt up against India, China, and
Russia.
Looking
carefully at the map, one discovers that Israel is not included
in the CENTCOM area, but in the European Command area. In a sense,
however, we may describe the twenty-one countries in CENTCOM's newly
defined "area of responsibility" as a sort of logical complement
of Israel: the people of every one of these countries devoutly wish
(and here I have chosen my adverb carefully) that Israel had never
come into existence and that it will go out of existence as soon
as possible. Thus, CENTCOM's area, inhabited predominantly by Muslims,
comprises a predominant subset of Israel's avowed enemies.
It comes
as no surprise, then, that of all the unified commands, CENTCOM
is the one in which, in today's world, the U.S. empire's rubber
meets the road most abrasively. The command's area of responsibility
includes a great part of the world's known petroleum and natural
gas deposits, a preponderance of Israel's enemies, and the places
in which the George W. Bush administration has chosen to focus its
so-called Global War on Terror. Of course, the region also includes
Iraq and Afghanistan, where U.S. forces have been fighting for years,
and, sandwiched between these two battlefields, Iran, where Dick
Cheney and the rest of the neocons ardently desire to extend the
fighting at the earliest opportunity.
The high
imperial authorities are not embarrassed by the U.S. empire; on
the contrary, they are immensely proud of it. They simply do not
describe their activities as the maintenance and exploitation of
an empire. If you care to read an extended example, I invite you
to peruse Admiral
Fallon's testimony of May 3, 2007, before the Senate Armed Services
Committee, regarding CENTCOM'S "posture." This carefully prepared
statement, written in impeccable military bureaucratese, illustrates
well how imperial commanders wish to represent their forces' actions
and, equally important, how members of Congress wish to have those
actions represented to them. Of course, it's all a solemn farce,
a polished and meaningless charade staged purely for public-relations
purposes―a ceremonial hors d'oeuvres served in public before
the diners consume the entrée, which consists of a massive
amount of the taxpayers' money ladled out to the armed forces
and their civilian contractors.
"Our top
priority," Fallon declares, "is achieving stability and security
in Iraq." Everyone knows, of course, that Iraq was more stable and
secure before the U.S. invasion, which suggests that perhaps
the quickest way to reestablish those conditions is for the U.S.
forces to leave the country. Certainly many Iraqis resolutely oppose
a permanent U.S. presence there, and some of them will continue
their violent resistance to U.S. forces as long as the Americans
remain. Intelligent adults also know that when Fallon or any other
U.S. official speaks of achieving stability and security, he has
in mind the achievement of those blessed conditions only on terms
acceptable to the U.S. government, and most likely in accordance
with its prescription. That the U.S. forces will ever pull out of
Iraq and leave the Iraqis to do as they please is virtually impossible
to conceive at this point. Indeed, a mere pullout is nearly inconceivable,
despite the great amount of talk that goes on about it on both sides.
On the Iraqi side, this talk is sincere; on the U.S. side, it is
all for show.
Fallon
testified that in Afghanistan, "the foundation of security and governance
is in place." He must have known how ludicrous that statement was.
Outside of Kabul, the U.S. forces, their allies, and the puppet
regime control hardly anything, and U.S. and allied forces that
move about the country are at constant risk of attack. The Taliban
has not been vanquished, and in fact it has been rebuilding its
ranks and its operational capabilities recently. The likelihood
that outside forces will ever impose their designs on Afghanistan's
backward but fiercely resilient tribesmen verges on nil. Even Fallon
has the temerity to observe that "parts of the country have never
known centralized governance." Great powers have sought to conquer
Afghanistan and bend it to their imperial will for centuries, never
with more than short-lived success. Eventually the imperialists
leave, and the Afghans remain.
In an earlier
day, Rudyard Kipling advised "The
Young British Soldier" who served in Britain's imperial army:
When
you're wounded and left on Afghanistan's plains,
And the women come out to cut up what remains,
Jest roll to your rifle and blow out your brains
An' go to your Gawd like a soldier.
It's probably
still good advice. Alternatively, you can get yourself killed by
your own comrades and instantly become a Great
American Hero, thanks to the Great American Military Bullshit
Information Team (GAMBIT).
Continuing
his parade of politicking platitudes, Fallon declares that "Iran's
most destabilizing activity has been the pursuit of nuclear weapons
technology in defiance of the international community." Of course,
if the Iranians have undertaken any such pursuit at all, which remains
in doubt, it has been not in defiance of the mythical "international
community," but in defiance of the United States and Israel, as
everybody who reads the newspapers knows. It is nothing short of
astonishing that U.S. officials speak in almost hysterical tones
of the threat posed by nonexistent Iranian nuclear weapons, yet
never breathe a word about the hundreds of such weapons already
in the Israeli arsenal, not to mention the thousands that remain
at the disposal of U.S. forces. Of course, members of Congress,
who live in mortal fear of the American Israel Political Affairs
Committee (AIPAC), want to be seen listening to this phony-baloney
message, so military politicians such as Admiral Fallon dare not
disappoint them.
Fallon
arranged the bulk of his testimony around a description of how CENTCOM's
"initiatives are organized into five focus areas: setting conditions
for stability in Iraq; expanding governance and security in Afghanistan;
degrading violent extremist networks and operations; strengthening
relationships and influencing states to contribute to regional stability;
and posturing the force to build and sustain joint and combined
war fighting capabilities and readiness." Notice that except possibly
for the third item listed ("degrading violent extremist networks
and operations"), none of this has more than a very remote connection
with defending the people of the United States against foreign enemies.
Instead,
it has everything to do with maintenance of the U.S. empire in the
Middle East and Central Asia. The U.S. government maintains a lavishly
financed Department of Defense, ostensibly to protect Americans
in their own country from foreign attackers. In reality, however,
this department acts as an overfed foreign legion, operating around
the world as an offensive or potentially offensive force to bully
other countries into submission to the U.S. government's wishes.
To read
Fallon's testimony is to take a refresher course in U.S. nation
building. He speaks about "infrastructure development," "provision
of basic services to Iraq's citizens," and improving "local government
performance and capacity." In Afghanistan, he perceives that the
"priorities are roads and electricity, followed by agricultural
development, microcredit, job skills, and education." The occupation
force, he testified, "is actively pursuing initiatives in these
areas, from building schools and providing them with supplies to
encouraging and stimulating the growth of small businesses." Should
we laugh or cry?
Someone
needs to remind the admiral and his audience that the military is
trained and equipped to dispense death and destruction. Military
leaders know
nothing about nation building, and their efforts along these
lines result only in gigantic waste of time, money, and lives. (Of
course, we must never forget, especially when discussing the U.S.
empire, that one man's waste is another man's fabulously enriching
government contract.)
To make
matters even worse, "CENTCOM supports US government and United Kingdom
lead nation counter-narcotics activities." No U.S. war is complete,
it seems, without dragging the disastrous drug war along with it.
The imperial
authorities constantly emphasize their efforts to promote our security
by suppressing "violent extremism" abroad. Repeat after me: extremism
always bad; moderation always good. If Barry Goldwater were alive
today and still telling us that "extremism in defense of liberty
is no vice," he might well be placed on the Air Force's target list
for the Predator
drone. While decrying the violent extremists in the Middle East,
Admiral Fallon notes: "Unfortunately, their tactics and radical
ideology remain almost unchallenged by voices of moderation." It
takes a heap of chutzpah to impose sanctions on a country, killing
hundreds of thousands of children and others with weakened immune
systems, then invade the country, killing hundreds of thousands
of men, women, and children by bombing, shooting, shelling, beating,
stabbing, suffocating, and immolating them, then create such chaos
and violence among the populace that millions are forced to abandon
their residence and rendered homeless, then announce your regret
that so few speak in favor of moderation. Next thing you know, the
Devil will express regret that so few denizens of Hell speak in
favor of fraternal kindness and Christian charity.
Fallon
aims at "de-legitimizing the underlying social and political movements
that support" the extremist groups. He fails to recognize that such
delegitimization is utterly impossible as long as the U.S. forces
continue to occupy Iraq and Afghanistan and to brutalize their people.
The admiral proposes "building capacity in governance and security
that helps at-risk societies address problems that foster internal
and local grievances." The overwhelming grievance in the Middle
East, however, is the presence of U.S. forces and Washington's support
for local dictators and their legions of thugs. Fallon, however,
looks to "empowering credible experts to expose the flaws and internal
contradictions of the enemy's ideology; provide viable, competing
alternative worldviews; and contest the intellectual 'safe harbors'
where extremist ideas incubate." U.S. military leaders seem to have
made a little progress since the days when they lived by the motto,
"If you've got 'em by the balls, their hearts and minds will follow."
Yet the idea that in the midst of everything the U.S. forces are
doing in the Middle East they can employ "credible experts" to transform
the dominant ideology is sheer lunacy. Al-Qaida requires no wily
recruiting agents in Afghanistan and Iraq; its supporters need only
invite people to look out their windows.
Fallon
speaks glowingly of the various Middle Eastern dictatorships with
whom the U.S. government maintains cordial relationships. (It's
amazing how many "friends" you can win with a combination of generous
bribes and credible threats.) The United States' "close, reliable
partner nations" include such paragons of social and political modernity
as "Egypt, Jordan, Kuwait, Bahrain, and Pakistan." Moreover,
"Bahrain, Kuwait, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, and the United Arab
Emirates are important partners in maintaining stability in the
Gulf." An honest observer feels compelled to recognize, however,
that every one of the filthy-rich sheiks in these desert despotisms
would gladly cut Fallon's throat if they weren't raking in such
fabulous amounts of money from the current arrangements.
The
admiral does recognize a few problems. "Our present inventory of
language and intelligence specialists (especially human intelligence)
and counterintelligence agents does not support current requirements."
Translation: because we don't speak or understand Arabic, Pashto,
Persian, or any other local language in this part of the world,
we haven't a clue as to what's going on in the politics and social
life of these countries, and therefore we are constantly at the
mercy of English-speaking collaborators who will take the risk of
feeding us lies and fabricated "intelligence" long enough to get
rich and then flee the country before their infuriated countrymen
kill them.
Notwithstanding
the many troubles that plague the imperial crusaders in CENTCOM's
area of responsibility, Fallon bravely concludes, "we fight tirelessly
against those who would do us harm." He fails to mention, however,
that the people of southwest Asia would harbor no grievances whatsoever
against Americans if the U.S. government had only possessed the
intelligence and the decency to stay out of their affairs.
July
22, 2008
Robert
Higgs [send him mail] is
senior fellow in political economy at the Independent
Institute and editor of The
Independent Review. He
is also a columnist for LewRockwell.com. His
most recent book is Neither
Liberty Nor Safety: Fear, Ideology, and the Growth of Government.
He is also the author of Depression,
War, and Cold War: Studies in Political Economy, Resurgence
of the Warfare State: The Crisis Since 9/11 and Against
Leviathan: Government Power and a Free Society.
Copyright
© 2008 Robert Higgs
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