My
Journey to the Heart of Darkness – Indianapolis
by
Robert Higgs
by Robert Higgs
DIGG THIS
Rome, Paris,
London, Indianapolis – hey, wait a minute! Something's wrong here.
Or is it? Might Americans have overlooked a truth that has been
staring them in the face from the very beginning of their residence
on this continent?
Rome, Paris,
and London were each in times past the capital of a great empire
– vast territories conquered by bellicose Romans, Frenchmen, and
Englishmen. Among many other monuments of these conquests, Rome
has the Arch of Constantine, Paris has the Arc de Triomphe, and
London has Nelson's Column in Trafalgar Square.
Indianapolis
has the State
Soldiers' and Sailors' Monument.
I found myself
in Indianapolis recently on business. Although I had visited that
city several times before, I had never spent much time in the downtown
area, as I did on this occasion. One afternoon, having a little
time free, I set out to have a look at the city. Almost immediately,
I arrived at Monument Circle, a large circular plaza ringed by a
traffic roundabout and substantial buildings and dominated by an
immense, towering monument. The great limestone shaft at its center
stands more than 284 feet high; at its top, a statue of "Victory"
adds another 38 feet. Having traveled fairly extensively in this
country, I am never surprised to come upon a monument to the War
Between the States in a northern city – although on these monuments
the war is never given this name, being called instead, and rather
tendentiously, the War for the Union, the War of the Rebellion,
or the Civil War. The Indianapolis shrine, however, certainly ranks
as the most kick-ass war monument I've ever encountered in this
country.
It does not
confine itself to celebration of the northern victories of 1861–65.
Every American war you've ever heard of before World War I, as well
as some you haven't heard of, receives commemoration at this temple,
which was completed in 1902. Walking around the great circle, I
became more and more impressed – appalled may be a more accurate
word – by this immense limestone-and-bronze celebration of war and
conquest. The northern Americans, it would appear, thoroughly kicked
the asses of the British and their Indian allies, then the asses
of other Indians farther west, then the asses of the Mexicans, then
the asses of the southerners, then the asses of the Spaniards and
the Filipinos, then, as we need no monument to tell us, the asses
of the Germans (twice) and the Japanese. When, one can't help wondering,
will this magnificent ass-kicking cease?
For the record,
I note that I saw nothing to attest that the northern Americans
had kicked the asses of the Koreans, the Vietnamese, or the Iraqis.
Perhaps the monument commission is working on apt representations
of these more recent wars, too, and will add them to the exhibition
in due course. And who knows: a entire new circle cum mega-monument
might be devoted to the Great American Victory in the Cold War –
topped, I suppose, by a 50-foot-high statue of Commander in Chief
Ronald Reagan, adorned by his most memorable words, "Honey, I forgot
to duck."
You can learn
a lot from the Soldiers' and Sailors' Monument and the associated
museums and Web sites. You probably didn't appreciate, for example,
that the War Between the States was won, in considerable part, by
German soldiers, who rallied to the colors at the first sound of
that stirring old American battle cry, Achtung,
deutsche Patrioten! Other things, however, you probably
won't learn at these sites: for example, why did all of these men
need to kill and be killed in a War Between the States in the first
place? That sort of information is, shall we say, simply taken for
granted. Perhaps the authorities have placed it on a "need to know"
basis.
You'll find
a clue, however, if you read the address that President Benjamin
Harrison, himself an Indiana native and a brevet brigadier general
in the not-so-civil war, gave on August 22, 1889, when the monument's
cornerstone was laid at a grand public ceremony. In his brief speech,
the president found time to say, according to the New
York Times: "This is a monument of Indiana to Indiana soldiers.
But I beg you to remember that they were only soldiers of Indiana
until the enlistment oath was taken; that from that hour until they
came back to the generous State that sent them forth they were soldiers
of the Union. [Great applause.]"
As this passage
suggests, before the war the union was, as time-honored usage represented
it, these United States; afterward, it was the United
States. The dual
sovereignty, or true federalism, that had been stitched into
the constitutional fabric in 1787 had been ripped out once and for
all. Henceforth, in the crunch, every American's loyalty was to
be not to his state or locality, but to the mighty Union, subject
to severe penalties for noncompliance. This result was precisely
what Benjamin Harrison – a stalwart Republican whose grandfather
was the Whig President William
Henry Harrison – and his ilk had hoped to achieve by forcibly
subjugating the secessionist states.
The Unionists'
success could scarcely have been greater. Only thirty-three years
after the troops of Indiana and the other northern states had triumphantly
terminated their rampage of murder and destruction through the South,
southern men clamored to sign up for service in the U.S. forces
setting out to kick ass in Cuba and the Philippines, seemingly unconcerned
that the flag under which they now enlisted had waved over the armies
that invaded and ravaged their home states in the days of their
fathers and grandfathers. Forgive and forget, I suppose. Moreover,
as if to add injury (often including their own) to the insult (to
their forebears), southerners have distinguished themselves ever
since as the most ardent cannon fodder in the country for service
in U.S. imperial adventures around the world.
So, the reader
can see that I hold no brief against the bloodthirsty men of Indiana
in particular. The virus that infected their ancestors and now infects
them has found a receptive host in the tissue of Americans throughout
the land from the very beginning. A folklore exists in this country
that we are a peace-loving people. Although a peace-loving American
may perchance be found here and there, the generalization is manifestly
false. Not for nothing did Geoffrey Perret title his 1989 history
of the United States A
Country Made by War. If you think Americans in general have
a strong preference for peace, you have not been paying attention;
nor have you been immersing yourself in history books. The country
in which Americans take such pride today is the product of people
who were willing, and often eager, to kill anyone who obstructed
what they presumed to be their Manifest Destiny. And since 1898,
having subdued a vast, resource-rich continent and confined its
surviving aboriginal people to desolate tribal reservations, they
have made the entire world
their blood-soaked sandbox.
Today,
the nation finds itself mired in wars in Afghanistan and Iraq, and
after the many years that these conflicts have continued, some of
us despair that peace will ever be restored. U.S. leaders speak
almost lovingly of the "long
war" that, they promise, constitutes the "new
normalcy." Some people cry out desperately, When will this country
again be at peace?
Perhaps
the answer is simpler than anyone imagined: we
will be at peace as soon as we wish to be. So long as the great
mass of Americans affirmatively supports or timidly acquiesces in
this nation-state's global belligerence, however, the killing will
continue, because there's a great deal of money and power in such
aggression for its principal movers and shakers, and these kingpins
will continue to grasp the bloodstained prizes for as long as they
can get away with doing so. But when Americans en masse – in Indiana
and elsewhere – decline to sacrifice their lives, liberties, and
properties on this statist altar any longer, these unnecessary,
wasteful, and immoral wars will stop. Between that majestic day
and the present day, however, lies a cultural change of gigantic
proportions. It scarcely stretches the truth to say that in order
for the United States to achieve a lasting peace, Americans will
have to become a new kind of people.
April
2, 2008
Robert
Higgs [send him mail] is
senior fellow in political economy at the Independent
Institute and editor of The
Independent Review. He
is also a columnist for LewRockwell.com. His
most recent book is Neither
Liberty Nor Safety: Fear, Ideology, and the Growth of Government.
He is also the author of Depression,
War, and Cold War: Studies in Political Economy, Resurgence
of the Warfare State: The Crisis Since 9/11 and Against
Leviathan: Government Power and a Free Society.
Copyright
© 2008 Robert Higgs
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