space of about a day, New Jersey experienced two public displays
of organized intimidation by paramilitary thugs. The first involved
an armed assault by black-clad bullies whose conduct was indistinguishable
from the criminal street violence of the Nazi SS. The other was
merely a public protest by the local chapter of the National Socialist
of Elsie Wenzel, a beloved school lunch lady who died at age 71,
gathered for a memorial service at a funeral home in Hamilton (a
small town near Trenton) on April 15. Charles Wenzel, one of her
grandsons, "had ... something like a seizure," related Elsie's widower,
an interview with The Trentonian. The family called 911
to summon the paramedics. Unfortunately, if you call the paramedics,
the police are part of the package deal, whether they're wanted
or not – and they have an unfailing talent for making matters worse.
had another convulsion, he committed the unpardonable offense of
defiling one of the sanctified bully-boys through physical contact.
This constitutes "battery on an officer," and so the offended cop
and several of his boyfriends attempted to handcuff Charles while
he was lying on the ground receiving medical treatment.
call you for this!" exclaimed a witness as several other people,
including a granddaughter of the deceased, tried to intervene to
protect Charles from the criminal assault. The officers responded
by pepper-spraying the mourners and throwing several of them – including
Edward's middle-aged granddaughter – to the ground.
One of the
officers called in a report that a "riot"
was in progress – "riot" being defined as any situation in which
Mundanes loudly criticize the anointed purveyors of consecrated
violence for their crimes against innocent people. Apparently the
funeral parlor was located near a donut shop, because within seconds
at least a dozen police vehicles were on the scene.
One of Elsie's
sons, who was to be a pallbearer at the funeral, was jumped by "seven
or eight" of the armed tax-feeders and thrown to the floor of the
funeral parlor, Edward Wenzel reported. Another eyewitness who drove
by the scene was alarmed to see police swarming four other prone,
By one account,
at least a half-dozen of the pallbearers were arrested to sent to
the hospital as a result of gang violence by the police. When police
attempted to "escort" him from the chapel, Edward Wenzel refused;
if they had laid hands on the bereaved elderly widower, an authentic
riot might well have ensued.
As is typical
in events of this kind, the NSM nitwits were outnumbered about three-to-one
by counter-protesters. Events of this kind are an orgy of overtime
for the unionized gendarme, and the April 16 protest was no exception:
Every law enforcement agency – local, state, and federal – sent
a contingent of uniformed trough-swillers to strut and preen in
ritual of neo-Nazi protests reminds me a bit of Voltaire's
description of the typical 18th Century Parisian dinner party,
where one would experience "the usual unintelligible chatter, witticisms,
false rumors, bad reasoning, a little politics, [and] a great deal
neo-Nazi numbskulls conduct a protest, the air will be clotted with
the same familiar slogans, the standard assortment of insults will
be exchanged, and all of the familiar poses will be struck.
All of this,
I'm convinced, is incidental to the real two-fold purpose of such
displays: Allowing the local constabulary to run up overtime, and
reinforcing the notion that the police are the valiant protectors
of the innocent, rather than the most significant threat to their
life, liberty, and property.
It wasn't neo-Nazis
of the NSM variety who disrupted Elsie Wenzel's funeral. It would
be interesting to find out how many of the paladins of public order
who pulled "riot duty" in Trenton on Saturday, April 16 had taken
part in the police riot in Hamilton on the previous day. In similar
fashion, it's quite likely that nobody who attended Elsie's funeral
had ever been the victim of criminal violence apart from that inflicted
on them by the Hamilton police.
that the National Socialist Movement – or any similarly situated
neo-Nazi group – could become a menace to individual liberty and
dignity comparable to that posed by the State's punitive priesthood
is so small that it couldn't be detected by en electron microscope.
Neo-Nazis are almost impossible to find, unless one seeks them out
in a few rural habitats in the Northwest and Deep South. The police,
by way of contrast, are almost impossible to avoid, and their behavior
– as I've noted before – increasingly resembles that of an army
In part, this
is because many of them are Reservists or Guardsmen who have served
in Washington's military occupations abroad. But even those who
have not been deployed overseas are being indoctrinated to think
of themselves as combatants in constant peril for whom "officer
safety" is the paramount consideration.
threw that, that was beautiful!" exclaimed an armed thug after
one of his comrades hurled a grenade into a prison enclosure. The
scene, described by commentator David
Kramer as something out of "Schindler's List," struck me as
some perverse hybrid of Wounded Knee and "Jackass": Armed
adolescent bullies cackling with juvenile glee as they gun down
desperate, defenseless people.
how many of these murderous mouth-breathers are now employed in
domestic law enforcement. And then one wonders how many of these
sadists had been employed as police before being called up
by the Regime to serve as hired killers overseas. And that thought
leads us irresistibly to the second video:
In 2003, two
years before the episode at Iraq's Camp Bucca, riot police in Miami
carried out a full-scale military assault – albeit with "non-lethal"
weapons – against demonstrators who had assembled to protest a summit
meeting promoting the artfully misnamed Free Trade Area of the Americas.
last week, no one should call what [Chief John] Timoney runs in
Miami a police force," observed
investigative reporter Jeremy Scahill following the event. "It’s
a paramilitary group. Thousands of soldiers, dressed in khaki uniforms
with full black body armor and gas masks, marching in unison through
the streets, banging batons against their shields, chanting, `back…
back… back.’ There were armored personnel carriers and helicopters."
Among the protesters
was an attorney named Elizabeth Ritter. She was driven into the
streets out of disgust that Miami had been turned into a garrison
state. Wearing a modest, professional business suit, she marched
in front of Timoney’s stormtroopers carrying a sign that read "Fear
Totalitarianism." As if to vindicate Ritter’s point, some of
Timoney’s goons shot Ritter several times in the back and legs with
rubber bullets. Ritter crouched down and covered her face with her
protest sign – only to be shot again by a rubber bullet, which penetrated
the sign and struck her in the forehead.
know who got her," chortled Kallman, "but … it went through
the sign and hit her smack dab in the middle of the head."
get a little piece of her red dress?" chimed in one of Kallman’s
cretinous underlings from somewhere off-camera.
In a conversation
with Major John Brooks, the ranking officer at the briefing, another
of the blackshirts showed off a bandana that he had retrieved "from
one of the scurrying cockroaches."
exulted Brooks in a fashion worthy of a twelve-year-old. "This
is going in my office forever, and it’s going to bring me some very
fact that Miami’s Civilian Investigative Panel confirmed that police
had committed criminal assaults during the protests, none of the
costumed assailants responsible was punished in any way. In fact,
the scenes described above were included in a training video, presumably
used to instruct the Schutzstaffel
in the proper use of what has come to be known as the
"Miami Model" of homeland security.
of the "Miami Model" is a doctrine of overwhelming force in the
service of "order": The Mundanes are told to submit or be hurt –
or killed. This is the operative principle of every encounter between
police and "civilians," which is why every such encounter – even
one incidental to emergency medical treatment at a funeral in a
New Jersey suburb – is freighted with incipient police violence.
the drama we had seen how Teyve, the Jewish milkman at the center
of the story, was on friendly terms with the police chief. That
friendship is savagely thrust aside once the chief's "duty" is made
clear to him.
orders – you understand?" simpered Anatevka's village police
chief to Tevye as the troops under his command carried out their
pogrom. After all, the chief had been told by his superior, in no
uncertain terms, that his job depended on his willingness to carry
out orders: "If you don't want to carry out orders, we will get
someone else who will." Such people are never in short supply.
We are told
that many – nay, most – of those employed in police agencies are
people of conscience and principle. This is true of several people
I know who are thus employed. I sometimes suspect that I've met
everybody who fits that description.
of institutional solidarity – or, what's much the same thing, conformity
achieved through the threat of retaliation – such worthy and decent
police officers never seem to intervene in defense of innocent people
being abused by their costumed comrades. In such instances, any
effort made to de-escalate a situation involves admonitions to outraged
Mundanes that they must "calm down" in the face of criminal violence
being inflicted on a friend, loved one, or clearly inoffensive stranger.
There was a
time, not that long ago, when it was possible for Americans to avoid
contact with the police, and the police were trained and expected
to leave people alone. Now, however, police are permitted and encouraged
to behave like packs of lupine predators, eager to exploit any opportunity
to inflict themselves on the helpless.
to think that at some point some helpless American is going to become
our nation's Mohammed Bouazizi, or Khaled Said – a living (or recently
deceased) symbol of resistance to the persistent, unpunished abuse
inflicted by the Regime's armed enforcers.
When he was
three years old, Mohammad
Bouazizi's father died. As the oldest son of an indigent family
living in Sidi Bouazid – a town about 160 miles from the Tunisian
capital, Tunis – Mohammad was responsible to provide for his mother
and two sisters. He earned a computer science degree, but found
that it was of little use in Tunisia's deeply depressed economy.
managed to eke out a living as an unlicensed street vendor,
peddling fruits and vegetables from a pushcart. Like others who
carried out commerce without official permission, Bouazizi endured
harassment from shakedown artists employed by the State, who in
the course of the typical visit would steal the equivalent of seven
dollars as a "fine."
song says, talk is cheap, but even nickels add up. Even a single
nickel is sorely missed when it's extracted at gunpoint from someone
barely managing to earn enough to survive. But the contemptuous,
arrogant words emitted by the armed functionary to carries out that
theft do damage as well. The cumulative effect of such indignities
can be enough to drive a despairing man to do desperate things.
Said was a 28-year-old businessman from Alexandria, Egypt. Last
June, after Said posted a video he had captured of narcotics officers
divvying up the proceeds of a drug bust, he was dragged out of an
internet cafe, taken to a nearby police station, and
beaten to death. A small bag of hashish of the sort used by
police everywhere to plant evidence was stuffed down Said's throat.
News of this
atrocity was quickly propagated throughout Egypt, engendering a
protest movement that eventually grew into the rebellion at Tahrir
Square and the still-unfinished effort to uproot Egypt's deeply
entrenched, U.S.-subsidized police state.
In police states
of the kind Washington has supported in Egypt, Tunisia, and elsewhere
in the region, people have been willing to endure a great deal of
abuse as long as there was some reasonable expectation that they
would be able to feed themselves. It's not surprising to see that
forbearance evaporate in the heat of the ongoing economic meltdown,
which has left many people without the means to feed their families.
triggering incidents that set off revolutions in both Tunisia and
Egypt were episodes of casual, arrogant abuse by police officers
who considered themselves to be imperviously clothed in official
privilege. Incidents of that kind are becoming more commonplace
here in the putative Land of the Free, and the debt-prolonged illusion
of prosperity that has long anesthetized public sensitivities is
coming to an end.
it's not difficult to imagine a situation in which someone, somewhere,
is pushed too far by an officious prig in a government-issued costume,
an atrocity results – and then all hell breaks loose.
Given the perverse
ingenuity police display in arranging opportunities to impart such
abuse, this could happen nearly anywhere, at any time. Meanwhile,
those of us who belong to the productive class should avail ourselves
of every opportunity to share the following message with representatives
of the State's coercive caste:
We don't need
tolerate you much longer.