Leviathans
Orphans
by
William Norman Grigg
by William Norman Grigg
Recently by William Norman Grigg: Why
the Innocent Flee From the Police
Her son needs
her at home. The Empire demands her services in its war on Afghanistan.
Since nobody is able to provide the child with a suitable home while
she's away, the mother quite sensibly decided that her first duty
was to her child.
So Alexis Hutchinson
of Oakland, California, an Army Specialist and, what's infinitely
more important, a single mother to her 11-month-old son, Kamani
may wind up in prison. Her son, who was kidnapped and briefly
detained by Child "Protective" Services may wind up in foster
care.
Alexis, who
(unfortunately) is not a Conscientious Objector and is willing to
be deployed abroad, initially left her toddler with her mother Angelique,
who was already tending to a sick mother and sister, and caring
for a physically handicapped daughter. Thus it's not surprising
that Angelique found it impossible to provide adequate care for
Kamani as well. So Alexis was left, once again, with the choice
of either abandoning her child, or going AWOL.
To her considerable
credit, Alexis chose to defy her orders and look after her child.
In their demented
drive to regiment the world, those at the helm of the all-devouring
Leviathan State ruling our country aren't content merely to destroy
families in Afghanistan, Pakistan, and Iraq. In the service of their
murderous designs they're more than willing to rip them apart here
on the home front as well.
Alexis Hutchinson
is just one of many enlisted mothers most of whom joined the military
out of economic desperation who have seen their families become
collateral damage in the Empire's "Long War."
According to
a report compiled by the group Iraq and
Afghanistan Veterans of America, more than 30,000 single mothers
have been deployed to those countries since 2001. In what it probably
regards as a gesture of sacrificial generosity, the Army permits
new mothers to spend four months with their newborn children before
returning to the business of killing other peoples' children abroad.
Many enlisted
mothers become single parents due to the Army: The divorce
rate for female soldiers is triple that experienced by male enlistees.
The pressures are particularly acute for those families in which
both parents are in the military.
In 1990, shortly
before the first phase of the endless Iraq War began, there were
an estimated 65,000 single parents in the U.S. military, and according
to Newsweek an even larger number of two-soldier families.
By 1998, two-soldier
"service couples" accounted for an estimated 140,000 active-duty
military personnel.
Most of the
two-soldier married couples appear to be part of the National Guard
and Reserves, which are bearing the brunt of the prolonged deployments
to Iraq and Afghanistan. This wasn't the case in either Vietnam
or the 1991 Gulf War.
In late 2003,
Army
Spec. Simone Holcomb of Colorado Springs, who had already served
a tour in Iraq, learned that she was to be deployed there again,
this time with her husband Vaughn serving in the war zone as well.
This created
an impossible situation for the couple's seven children, two of
whom were the husband's by way of a previous marriage.
With both parents
scheduled to be sent abroad, Vaughn Holcomb's ex-wife filed for
custody of his children. If both Vaughn and Simone obeyed their
deployment orders, they would lose not just those two children
which would be bad enough, of course but all of their children,
who would be declared wards of the state because of child abandonment.
As Simone's
attorney Giorgio Ra'Shadd pointed out, "when mom gets on the
plane [for Iraq], they'll be waving goodbye, turning around, and
going into the hands of Colorado state troopers or Denver police
because there's no one to care for them."
Accordingly,
Holcomb in order to defend her children from the evil intentions
of the government that employed her went AWOL. Owing chiefly to
PR calculations, the Pentagon backed down, reassigning the medic
to stateside duty at Ft. Carson.
Holcomb's dilemma
was the product of a policy decision made more than a decade earlier.
In 1992, the
first Bush administration, immediately after what it depicted as
an unqualified victory, "appointed a commission to study the issue
of deploying parents, especially mothers, to war zones," reported
the March
9, 2005 Sacramento Bee. "The panel recommended that single
parents with preschool-age children not be allowed to deploy in
times of armed conflict, and that in two-soldier families, only
one of the parents be allowed to go overseas."
That recommendation,
notes the Bee, was defeated by the Bush 41 administration:
"In a letter
to congressional leaders, then-Defense Secretary Dick Cheney and
Joint Chiefs of Staff Chairman Colin Powell said that barring single
parents, or one parent in a military couple, from war zones would
'weaken our combat capability by removing key personnel.... It's
important for us to remember that what we are asked to do here in
the Department of Defense is to defend the nation. The only reason
we exist is to be prepared to fight and win wars. We're not a social
welfare agency.'"
Actually, a
good case can be made for the proposition that the U.S. military
is the nation's largest social welfare agency.
A little more
than a decade ago, Allan Carlson of the Howard Center on the Family,
Religion, and Society pointed
out that each day the military bureaucracy is responsible for
the care of "some 200,000 children in some 800 centers, making the
Pentagon the nation's largest child care provider."
In words that
would thrill any totalitarian social engineer, Maj. Gen. John G.
Meyer, Jr., former Commanding General of the U.S. Army's Community
and Family Support Center, describes the transaction at the center
of the military's child care philosophy: "Supporting the care and
development of children is a responsibility the military readily
assumes in exchange for the loyalty of their parents in uniform."
Appropriately,
Meyer spoke those words in the presence of then-First Lady Hillary
Rodham Clinton, perhaps the most famous exponent of the view that
children are best raised by the State and only incidentally the
concern of their parents. As Dr. Carlson points out, the "collectivist
tone" of Pentagon rhetoric regarding child care is entirely appropriate:
"Since the
first Army Family Action Plan, issued ominously in 1984, the focus
has been on dissolving real, autonomous families in the DOD's employ
and blending the human parts into 'The Total Army Family.' This
vaguely totalitarian notion actually assumes the primacy of post-family
or non-family bonds. As one Army document explains: 'We want soldiers,
of all ranks, feeling they belong to a " family".... Building
the "family" requires a professional sensitivity toward
and caring for one another.'"
As is the case
with any other collectivist welfare state, the Total Army Family
with the State acting as both "breadwinner" and "caregiver"
is designed to abet early marriage, early divorce, and illegitimacy.
An estimated 40 percent of military pregnancies involve unmarried
personnel; single mothers qualify for superior housing and medical
benefits.
While "it is
true that our military social engineers have not quite yet achieved
the grand sweep of the Lebensborn program of National Socialist
Germany, where state child-care workers tenderly raise the illegitimate
offspring of SS troopers," they "have achieved something very close
to the family policy goals of Swedish socialism," comments Dr. Carlson.
The military has operated as an instrument of social change, "in
particular
eradicating belief in differences between the sexes,
and building new family forms under complete control of the state."
Just ten years
ago, social conservatives loudly declaimed against putting women
into combat roles. Now little if any protest comes from that quarter
as single mothers are dispatched to the front, and children are
left without parents as "service couples" are sent on simultaneous
deployments abroad.
One of the
first casualties of the current Iraq conflict was Private First
Class Lori Piestewa, a single mother who was driving the Humvee
that was ambushed by Iraqi troops.
Although nowhere
near as famous as the woman sitting next to her at the time of the
ambush Jessica Lynch Piestewa meant the world to Brandon and
Carla, the two small children she left with their grandmother at
Arizona's Hopi Indian reservation.
"Grandma,
my mom has been in heaven too long," Carla, at the time three years
of age, said a few weeks after her mother was killed. "It's time
for her to come home."
With the possible
exception of the Battle of Midway, nobody presently among the living
can recall a U.S. military conflict that involved the actual defense
of the united States. It's difficult to see how a government how
a country capable of sending mothers into combat zones could be
considered worthy of defense.
In May 1997,
I spent the better part of a week at Ft. Bragg in the company of
several friends who were active-duty Green Berets. During my first
evening there I stayed up until an obscenely late hour listening
as my friends commiserated with each other over the institutional
insanity they dealt with every day. One of them made a passing reference
to dealing with a female military bureaucrat "in a maternity BDU."
It was my misfortune
to be drinking something when mention was made of a "maternity BDU,"
and the term induced an explosive spit-take.
The following
morning I tagged along with one of my friends to an auditorium to
attend an "Equal Opportunity" (read: affirmative action) lecture.
Midway through that tedious event, a young woman about three rows
in front of us wearing what appeared to be a standard-issue BDU
stood up and left, apparently in search of the rest room. As she
passed I noticed that she was visibly gravid easily six or seven
months along and that her attire had been designed to accommodate
the condition of impending motherhood.
Nonplussed,
I turned to my friend.
"Is that a
maternity
BDU?" I asked, astonishment dripping from every syllable. After
he wearily nodded in affirmation, I exclaimed, "I thought you
made that up."
My friend assured
me that his imagination wasn't sufficiently perverse to invent such
a thing. And my imagination is inadequate to the task of devising
an explanation for the fact that there are people in this country
still willing to fight on behalf of the government that rules us.
November
20, 2009
William
Norman Grigg [send him mail]
publishes the Pro
Libertate blog and hosts the Pro
Libertate radio program.
Copyright
© 2009 William Norman Grigg
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