Is
That All There Is?
by
Steven Greenhut
by Steven Greenhut
DIGG THIS
I was dismayed by the stories, but I wasn't surprised by them.
During last weekend's California Republican Party Convention in
Sacramento, newspapers reported that party delegates including
many grass-roots conservatives and even some conservative party
stalwarts were wildly enthusiastic about the presidential
candidacy of former New York Mayor Rudy Giuliani.
Heck, any "conservative" party that can embrace as governor
Arnold Schwarzenegger, a man whose recent policies often outflank
the Democrats on the Left, doesn't care about principles, only about
winning. Hence, my lack of surprise.
We're told that Giuliani supposedly "America's mayor"
for his calming speeches and commanding presence following the 9/11
attack on New York is that special Republican someone who
can beat the nearly invincible Sen. Hillary Clinton.
I dread Hillary as much as the next guy, and am not fooled by her
carefully orchestrated "moderation" as a senator. Once
in office, we can expect her to push hard for socialized health
care and other policies that expand the size and power of government.
But it seems foolish and unprincipled to advance a Republican alternative
who is at least equally as committed as the Democrat, and maybe
even more so, to a muscular, intrusive and virtually unlimited government.
Sure, Giuliani spoke at the convention about his successes in trimming
New York's once unmanageable bureaucracy, in cutting taxes and in
reducing the city's crime rate. Those are tangible and laudable
accomplishments, even if the mayor takes credit for trends (i.e.,
falling crime) that started before he came into office.
To Giuliani's advocates, his main political problem is his liberal
stance on social issues necessary as a mayor of the nation's
biggest city, but trouble when he, say, tries to win primary support
in places such as Iowa and South Carolina. Supporters eagerly await
his rapprochement with the religious right.
For instance, R. Emmett Tyrell Jr., argued in a recent New York
Sun column, "As an urban reformer and seasoned warrior in the
struggle against international terror, Mr. Giuliani will be a formidable
candidate for the presidency. Surely conservatives of all stripes
will recognize this. What they need to hear next is where the mayor
stands on conservative social issues."
Yet my real interest was in the headline on Tyrell's Giuliani column:
"In case you missed it: Not since T.R." Tyrell and some
other conservatives see R.G. as the reincarnation of Teddy Roosevelt,
who historically has been loathed by many conservatives as a power-mad
Progressive who expanded government power at the expense of the
private sector. Actually, this debate over social issues, although
of some significance, does not accurately define the fault lines
of the Republican Party.
The real long-standing divide in the GOP is not between pro-lifers
and pro-choicers, but between libertarian-oriented Republicans who
believe in the Reaganite admonition that "government is not
the solution but the problem," and law-and-order Republicans
who believe that "if you've done nothing wrong, you've got
nothing to hide from the government."
It's always been an uncomfortable alliance, one that worked politically
during the Reagan years thanks mostly to R.R.'s rhetorical skills,
but has become uneasy in recent years. Following 9/11, those of
us who understand that controlling government is the key founding
concept of this nation, have been routed by those who believe the
opposite.
Under George W. Bush, the United States has embarked on the decidedly
nonlibertarian tasks of a) fighting foreign wars, b) limiting civil
liberties at home as a way to root out potential threats at home,
c) expanding government programs, and d) promoting the idea that
government planners will protect and help us, if only we respect
and obey them.
Few politicians epitomize this Government Knows Best ideology more
than Giuliani. Yes, he trimmed back some of New York's government
as a form of glasnost. The bureaucracy had become so unmanageable
that cuts were needed to save it. Given the near-anarchy that at
one time ruled the city's streets, some of his crackdowns were warranted.
But, fundamentally, Giuliani is a man who believes in centralizing
power, in using the full extent of that power regardless of the
effect on liberty.
A quick perusal of a New York Times archive from the Giuliani administration
makes this case quickly and clearly. There's the story about the
city forcibly removing the homeless from the streets and district
attorneys even prosecuting them. There's Giuliani refusing to grant
permits for various groups, from the left and right, that want to
hold peaceful protests. There's the Giuliani policy to seize cars
from people arrested on drunken driving charges, and the crackdowns
on panhandling and jaywalking.
I particularly love this headline: "Mayor defends growth of
video surveillance." In the article, Giuliani calls for putting
surveillance cameras throughout the city to enable police to monitor
the behavior of New Yorkers. Then there's this one: "Trying
to get mayor to shed veil of secrecy." We learn that Giuliani
refused to provide even routine documents to the public, forcing
people to file Freedom of Information Act requests to get information
they are legally entitled to receive. The New York Daily News had
to sue the city to get public documents about misbehaving government
officials. In other news, we learned about the mayor's adamant defense
of police officers who, for instance, shot to death an unarmed African
immigrant. Meanwhile, Giuliani staunchly supported the city's draconian
gun-control laws that kept average citizens defenseless.
As a federal prosecutor, Giuliani staged highly publicized arrests,
hauling off the accused from their Wall Street offices in handcuffs
to humiliate them and elevate him. After 9/11, he tried to secure
an emergency extension of his term, but was rebuked by the New York
Legislature. His efforts to bridge the gap with the religious right
might focus on his views on gay marriage and his highly publicized
bitter divorce, but the consistent strands throughout his public
life revolve around his arrogance and lust for power.
Unfortunately,
there are no big-name Republican presidential choices that come
from the freedom side of the party. Arizona Sen. John McCain is
an ardent war supporter with a short-fuse temperament that has caused
me to term him "most likely to blow up the world." McCain
also has pushed an expansion of a "national service program,"
another Teddy Roosevelt-type idea that excites the Big Brother wing.
He veers left on many environmental and economic issues, and is
co-author of the McCain-Feingold campaign finance reform law, which
clamps down on political speech during political campaigns. That
assault on the First Amendment alone should disqualify McCain from
being president, given that the president is sworn to uphold rather
than destroy the U.S. Constitution.
The
final GOP choice, Massachusetts Gov. Mitt Romney, has so far talked
mainly in vague generalities about America's greatness and has stuck
by traditional conservative themes on tax-cutting and defense. But
he signed into law a "universal" health-care plan in his
state, of the sort that would make Hillary Clinton proud. Fortunately,
U.S. Rep. Ron Paul of Texas will represent the nearly vanquished
libertarian wing of the party if he decides to run for president.
He won't get much attention, but someone has to remind the Republican
grass roots that Republicans once were the party of limited government.
If Giuliani (or McCain or Romney) is the answer, then Republicans
are asking the wrong question.
February
21, 2007
Steven
Greenhut (send him mail)
is a senior editorial writer and columnist for the Orange County
Register. He is the author of the new book, Abuse
of Power.
Copyright
© 2007 Orange County Register
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