All This Useless Power
by
Charles H. Featherstone
by Charles H. Featherstone
One
day, sometime during my junior or senior year in high school, I
noticed a book on display at the checkout desk of my high school's
library, a collection of Paul Harvey radio commentaries. Despite
growing up on Army bases and in Southern California suburbs (or
perhaps because of that), I'd never heard of the man, and I wondered
aloud who he was.
"Him?
The sun rises and sets on that man in the Midwest," replied the
head librarian, the mother of an acquaintance and classmate of mine.
That
was 20 years ago. Since then, I've traveled a little around the
country including the Midwest on my own and listened
to a few Paul Harvey commentaries. To me, he is an emissary from
a strange and foreign land, a patriotic, God-fearing and hard-working
America of simple, kind, tough, fair and generous people I have
never really known and have never lived with, an America that is
as beyond my experience as Saudi Arabia is probably beyond Paul
Harvey's.
His
voice is compelling, melodious and assuring, the kind of man who
could lull a lamb to sleep with beautiful words just before he draws
the knife across its throat. Not that Harvey would ever do such
a thing. It would stain his nice, clean shirt.
But
he does think about these things. About the knife, that is, the
shape and texture of its handle, how it would feel with his fingers
curled around it, and where the veins and arteries are in the neck
of the beast he is killing.
Most
recently, in late June, Harvey mused about the wars in Iraq and
Afghanistan. The transcript of his comments, a small portion of
a much longer commentary, are
available here. But don't just read them, listen
to what he says, to how he says it, to the tone of his voice
and the meter of his words:
Following
New York, Sept. 11, Winston Churchill was not here to remind us
that we didn’t come this far because we’re made of sugar candy.
So, following
the New York disaster, we mustered our humanity.
We gave old
pals a pass, even though men and money from Saudi Arabia were
largely responsible for the devastation of New York and Pennsylvania
and our Pentagon.
We called
Saudi Arabians our partners against terrorism and we sent men
with rifles into Afghanistan and Iraq, and we kept our best weapons
in our silos.
Even now
we’re standing there dying, daring to do nothing decisive, because
we’ve declared ourselves to be better than our terrorist enemies
more moral, more civilized.
Our image
is at stake, we insist.
But we didn’t
come this far because we’re made of sugar candy.
He
goes on to say how our ancestors seized this land through genocide
and biological warfare and became wealthy, in part, because of slave
labor. And then laments that we are growing soft, and will soon
be "dominated by the lean, hungry and up and coming who are not
made of sugar candy."
The
words themselves are a horrifying, if somewhat honest, assessment.
I will not focus, as some have, on his willingness to justify mass
murder and enslavement. That is history, and it is, to a degree,
the history of all human societies. It is the stuff of human history
and will be as long as men and women inhabit the Earth.
That's
why I asked you to listen to what he said, and not merely
read it. His voice is angry, it is studded with sincere and honest
disbelief, and behind his implication that the United States needs
to unleash its nuclear arsenal against the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia
is a question, a question I believe a lot of Americans are asking:
"With
all this power at our disposal, with all our missiles and planes,
why are people still resisting us? Why aren't we winning? Why haven't
we already won?"
Harvey's
words and tone are not the words of someone confident of victory.
They are the words of someone who fears defeat.
The
power of which Harvey speaks the missiles secured snugly
in America's heartland and cradled in submarines that skulk the
world's oceans is effectively useless now. That power's only
real strength is to deter attack from similarly armed governments.
The power of the hydrogen bomb lies not in its kaboom, but in its
evil and silent grin. That is, its job is to menace. Once
codes are sent and keys are turned, sending those missiles skyward,
they have failed.
They
may work, technically. But their real job was to ensure they were
never used.
However,
the United States does not face a similarly armed government in
al Qaeda or among the insurgents in Iraq. In the former, we face
ideological and religious revolutionaries whose ardor will only
be extinguished by failure, and since all ideological revolutions
eventually fail, that will come soon enough. In the latter, we confront
nationalists fighting for home, family and, (for some) the restoration
of privilege. Simple things, things we would fight for if a Chinese
or Arab army occupied our land.
In
the end, in the world we live in now, a world where genocide has
become an unacceptable "policy option," anyone who fights hard enough
and long enough for their home and family usually wins.
Even
America's Army, Navy and Air Force have become useless instruments.
Our soldiers can occupy, our planes can bomb relentlessly and with
precision, our ships can patrol the seas, but who fears us now?
Five years ago, when the glow of the War to Liberate Kuwait and
air offensive against Yugoslavia still made American arms appear
invincible, perhaps the governments and peoples of the world trembled
at the thought of the United States military. But today, when a
few thousand insurgents can tie down, tire and incapacitate that
Army, what is there to left to fear? Some governments may still
quake at the thought of air strikes and the destruction of government
"capital" and "investments" they would bring. But a people determined
to resist us can look at Iraq and take heart yes, we can
be beaten. It's not all that hard.
Harvey
is right to fear defeat. In many ways, we have already lost.
When
our whole approach to fighting "terror" is to inflict pain on people
until they behave they way we want, what do we do when they can
take all the pain we have to give? How much more pain are we willing
or able to inflict until we realize the pointlessness
of it all? Or until conscience confronts us?
And
how many hydrogen bombs are we willing to use? One? Two? A dozen?
A hundred? And if people still resist, or are driven to resist,
what then? Shall we destroy the entire world?
We
have unleashed our power upon the world only to discover that it
is terribly finite, a great deal more limited than we hoped and
imagined. Hundreds of billions of dollars spent on bombs, tanks,
planes, soldiers, and every passing day we are less and less able
to bend the world to our will.
A
whole arsenal of useless power.
No,
we are not made of "sugar candy." That our ancestors triumphed over
terrible adversity (and yes, they murdered and enslaved too) and
that each of us, as individuals, live with hope in the face of the
clear and often random cruelty of life are testament to that. But
in his anger, Paul Harvey and those who agree with him should remember
that neither are we made of air-hardened steel, and were we to resort
to mass murder in our fight against "terror," we would be faced
with the very real power of conscience that Cardinal
Ratzinger wrote so movingly about before he became Pope Benedict
XVI:
Where conscience
prevails there is a barrier against the domination of human orders
and human whim, something sacred that must remain inviolable and
that in an ultimate sovereignty evades control not only by oneself
but by every external agency. Only the absoluteness of conscience
is the complete antithesis to tyranny; only the recognition of
its inviolability protects human beings from each other and from
themselves; only its rule guarantees freedom.
Unlike
armies, navies and treasuries, conscience is real power because
it works from the inside to bend men and women to its will. It doesn't
succeed often, but that it succeeds at all is enough to inspire
faith and hope. Even the Islamic Revolutionaries of al Qaeda, murderous
and self-righteous in their rage, must face conscience; that is
why there are so few of them. It is also important to remember that
conscience is not just a child born of our "liberal" and "enlightened"
age; it has confronted men of all faiths in all ages.
And
will do so as long as men whoever they are struggle
to dominate other men.
July
7, 2005
Charles
H. Featherstone [send
him mail] is a Washington, D.C.-based journalist specializing
in energy, the Middle East, and Islam. He lives with his wife Jennifer
in Alexandria, Virginia.
Copyright
© 2005 LewRockwell.com
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