Repealing Magna Carta
by
Tom Engelhardt
and Nick Turse
by Tom Engelhardt and
Nick Turse
In my last
dispatch, The
Unrestrained President, I suggested that what we were dealing
with in Washington was a virtual cult of the presidency and that
its believers were more fervent than any religious fundamentalists
in their focus on the quite un-Christian attribute of total earthly
power. Their urge to create a President accountable to no one, overseen
by no one, and restricted by no other force in his will to act was
amply demonstrated in a simple bill-signing at the White House last
Friday. It was then that George Bush inked the Defense Appropriations
bill containing Senator John McCain's anti-torture amendment (vigorously
opposed by the President and the Vice President), which was meant
to close various loopholes in prohibitions on torture. The President,
according to Charley
Savage of the Boston Globe, issued a "signing statement"
"an official document in which a president lays out his interpretation
of a new law" in which he "quietly reserved the right to bypass
the [McCain] law under his powers as commander in chief." So much
for the ability of Congress to legislate, if the President can simply
declare anything it passes whatever he decides it should be. ("A
senior administration official, who spoke to a Globe reporter
about the statement on condition of anonymity because he is not
an official spokesman, said the president intended to reserve the
right to use harsher methods in special situations involving national
security.")
Nick Turse
shines a new light on the Bush administration's cult of presidential
power by showing just how far back its adherents would roll our
constitutional and legal system back to the Middle Ages and the
rule of kings. ~ Tom
What
Year Is This Anyway?: Rollback
to AD 1214
By Nick
Turse
What might
happen to an "often
cruel and treacherous" national leader who "ignored and contravened
the traditional" norms at home and waged "expensive
wars abroad [that] were unsuccessful"?
On June 15,
1215, just such a leader arrived at Runnymede, England and under
pressure from rebellious barons angered by his ruinous foreign wars
and the fact that "to finance them he had charged excessively for
royal justice, sold church offices, levied heavy aids," and appointed
"advisers from outside the baronial ranks" placed his seal on
the Magna Carta. The document, which was finalized on June 19th,
primarily guaranteed church rights and baronial privileges, while
barring the king from exploiting feudal custom. While it may have
been of limited importance to King John or his rebel nobles (as
one scholar notes, "It
was doomed to failure. Magna Carta lasted less than three months"),
the document had a lasting impact on the rest of us, providing the
very basis for the Anglo-American legal tradition.
Over the years,
the Magna Carta came to be interpreted as a document that forbade
taxation without representation and guaranteed trial by jury. In
the U.S., it is seen as providing a basis for the 5th Amendment
to the Bill of Rights that holds: "No
person shall… be deprived of life, liberty, or property, without
due process of law…" (The Magna Carta states: "No
Freeman shall be taken, or imprisoned… but by lawful Judgment
of his Peers, or by the Law of the Land.") While many progressive
and democratic understandings of the document, popular from the
seventeenth to the nineteenth century, have now been dismissed as
misinterpretations, the Magna Carta has one absolutely significant
feature. As the website of the U.S. National Archives and Records
Administration (NARA) notes,
"When King John confirmed Magna Carta with his seal, he was acknowledging
the now firmly embedded concept that no man not even the king
is above the law."
Fast forward
561 years. Says NARA, "In 1776, the Founding Fathers searched for
a historical precedent for asserting their rightful liberties from
King George III and the English Parliament." They found it in the
Magna Carta. Fast forward another 230 years. Their war for independence
long since over, Britain's former rebel colonies begin the new year
of 2006 on a precipice. During the previous 365 days, they saw,
among other shocking displays, their Vice President publicly campaign
against Senator John McCain's anti-torture amendment and, as such,
essentially offer his support for illegal torture. Then, following
a failed attempt by the President to quash
a New York Times story on the National Security Agency (which
the paper had already suppressed for a year), the people also found
out that their President had ordered unlawful spying on American
citizens.
After the
latter scandal became public, Attorney General Alberto Gonzales
(who, in 2002 as White House counsel, penned
a memo advising the President on how to circumvent the 1996
War Crimes Act) claimed that George Bush had the right to violate
the 1978 Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act (which makes it illegal
to spy on U.S. citizens in the United States without prior or retroactive
within 72 hours court approval) due to his "inherent
authority as commander in chief under the Constitution." This,
despite the fact that in 2004 Supreme Court Justice Sandra Day O'Connor,
writing for the court, insisted, "A state of war is not a blank
check for the president when it comes to the rights of the nation's
citizens." Bush himself then came out swinging, claiming that he
had no need for the courts since he acted as his own agency of oversight,
and his acts were legal because he "swore
to uphold the laws."
The President's
threatened veto of the McCain anti-torture amendment, the Vice-President's
pro-torture campaign, the President's illegal spying, which he proudly
claimed he had re-authorized many times over, his attempt to squelch
the free press (which Thomas Jefferson once
called "the only security of all" and about which he stated,
"Were it left to me to decide whether we should have a government
without newspapers or newspapers without a government, I should
not hesitate a moment to prefer the latter"), and his own and the
Attorney General's defense of all of the above, are not only the
latest examples of the administration's quest to shred the U.S.
Constitution and expand already vast presidential powers past anything
conceivably envisioned by the founders of the United States, but
also a direct attempt to overturn nearly 800 years of Anglo-American
legal precedent. In other words, the administration has launched
nothing short of a bid to invalidate the guiding precepts of what
the U.S. government acknowledges
to be the Ur document that inspired and provided precedent for America's
founders to issue their Declaration of Independence in 1776: the
Magna Carta.
In
1957, the American Bar Association erected a monument at Runnymede
to "acknowledg[e] the debt American law and constitutionalism" owed
to the Magna Carta. Today, the defining tenet of the American legal
system is in jeopardy as the Bush administration has attempted to
roll back the clock to the 13th century. Such a gambit seeks to
do nothing short of shatter and effectively bury the framework for
the Anglo-American legal tradition by transforming the chief executive
into an unchecked despot and so plunging us into a pre-1215 world.
The implications are dire. As Harold Hongju Koh, dean of the Yale
Law School, observed,
"If the president has commander-in-chief power to commit torture,
he has the power to commit genocide, to sanction slavery, to promote
apartheid, to license summary execution."
During
the birth of the United States, John Adams who also proclaimed
that Britain's rule under which "The Law, and the Fact, are both
to be decided by the same single Judge" was "directly repugnant
to the Great Charter [Magna Carta] itself" wrote
of "a government of laws and not of men." During the Watergate crisis
(to hop a couple of centuries) and just after he was fired by a
President who wanted to shield his criminal acts by citing the doctrine
of executive privilege, Special Prosecutor Archibald Cox warned,
"Whether ours shall continue to be a government of laws and not
of men is now for Congress and ultimately the American people."
Just 33 years later, the question again begs answer is this
to be a nation of laws or of men? Is this to be a nation that recognizes
nearly 800 years of Anglo-American legal precedent in which even
the nation's chief executive is subject to the rule of law, or one
that allows that leader to assume the unchecked rights of a sovereign
during the Middle Ages? Are we willing to accept the Bush administration's
latest rollback campaign and reset the calendar to 1214?
January
7, 2006
Tom
Engelhardt [send him mail]
is editor of TomDispatch.com,
a project of the Nation
Institute. He
is the author of several books, including The
Last Days of Publishing: A Novel and The
End of Victory Culture. Nick Turse [send
him mail] is the Associate Editor and Research Director of TomDispatch.com.
He has written for the Los Angeles Times, the San Francisco
Chronicle, the Nation, the Village Voice, and regularly
for Tomdispatch.
Copyright
© 2006 Tom Engelhardt
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