A man from Detroit named John Sims, who now teaches art at the
Ringling [Brothers?] School of Art and Design in Sarasota, Florida,
has created quite a controversy with his planned September 3,
2004 opening of an exhibit at Gettysburg College where he will
reportedly "lynch" the Confederate Battle Flag by "hanging"
it from a gallows. (In another work of "art" Sims has
crudely insulted every Jew in the world by displaying the Israeli
flag in the colors of the PLO). Gettysburg College’s museum director,
Molly Hutton, reportedly jumped at the chance to display something
as politically correct as the Israeli flag smear when Sims proposed
his "lynching" exhibit at the College.
This is yet another example of the incredible if not astounding
ignorance of American history on the part of most Americans
even ones who are employed by institutions of higher learning.
Having written a book on Lincoln, published over 80 articles,
and given dozens of public lectures and radio interviews on Lincoln
and the War to Prevent Southern Independence over the past two-and-a-half
years, one thing I have learned is that the average American knows
nothing at all about the topic except for a few clichés
that he or she was exposed to in primary school.
Southern heritage groups whose members are infinitely
better educated on this topic than the average American is
are naturally offended and plan to protest Sims’ display of ignorance
and bigotry. One does not need to read the literature of the Sons
of Confederate Veterans or the League of the South to understand
why Southerners are upset at Gettysburg College’s latest orgy
of political correctness. Just consult "mainstream"
historian James McPherson’s short little book, What
They Fought For: 18611865.
McPherson surveyed thousands of letters and diaries of U.S.
and Confederate soldiers to discern what they believed they were
fighting for, as expressed in letters home to family and friends.
Confederate soldiers, he concluded, "fought for liberty and
independence from what they regarded as a tyrannical government."
The letters of the Confederate soldiers "bristled with the
rhetoric of liberty and self-government," wrote McPherson,
and they also expressed a fear of being "subjugated"
and "enslaved" by a despotic central government.
Many Confederates thought of the war as a "Second War
for American Independence." A Texas cavalry officer who McPherson
quotes wrote in a letter to his sister that, just as early Americans
"rebelled against King George to establish Liberty
and freedom in this western world . . . so we dissolved our alliance
with this oppressive foe and are now enlisted in The Holy Cause
of Liberty and Independence again."
Another theme of the letters surveyed by McPherson was that
many Confederates also believed (quite correctly) that they were
fighting to defend their families and property from a hostile,
pillaging, plundering, and raping army. "We are fighting
for matters real and tangible," wrote a Texas private in
1864, "our property and our homes." Another Confederate
wrote that he believed he was defending "the fair daughters
of the South" from "Yankee outrage and atrocity."
This was recognized by opposing soldiers. "We are fighting
for the Union . . . a high and noble sentiment," wrote an
Illinois officer, but "They are fighting for independence
and are animated by passion and hatred against invaders."
When Lincoln issued his January 1863 Proclamation to "free"
the slaves in rebel territory only, i.e., where the U.S. government
had no ability to emancipate anyone, the mere mention of emancipation
as a new war aim caused a desertion crisis in the U.S. army, writes
McPherson. Union soldiers "were willing to risk their lives
for Union, but not for black freedom."
Unlike modern Americans who have been brainwashed by the Lincoln
cult, in the 1860s the entire world knew that in his first inaugural
address Abraham Lincoln pledged his support for a constitutional
amendment that had just passed both the House and the Senate that
would have forbidden the federal government from ever interfering
in Southern slavery. The whole world also knew that in that same
address he threatened a military invasion of any state that failed
to collect the newly-doubled federal tariff. The states that seceded
did not intend to collect the U.S. government’s tariff and send
the money to Washington, D.C., so Honest Abe kept his word and
waged total war on fellow citizens for four years, killing some
300,000 of them, including one of four men of military age and
tens of thousands of civilians. Lincoln’s dreamy-eyed and a-historical
talk about a perpetual union was all a smokescreen for his imperialistic
war.
John Sims is also obviously ignorant of the fact that the
two most famous Confederate generals, Lee and Jackson, were not
only opposed to slavery but, in Lee’s case, personally liberated
hundreds of slaves. Lee inherited slaves from his father-in-law,
George Washington Park Custis, Martha Washington’s grandson who
George Washington adopted after marrying Martha. On December 29,
1862, as executor of his father-in-law’s will, Robert E. Lee "did
manumit, emancipate and forever set free from slavery" over
170 people. According to Lee biographer Emory Thomas, Lee "meticulously
searched his memory and records to make sure he missed no one"
(Emory Thomas, Robert
E. Lee: A Biography, p. 273).
For many years, Lee had expressed his general opposition
to slavery. In an 1856 letter to his daughter Mary, General Lee
wrote that "Slavery as an institution, is a moral and political
evil in any Country" (Thomas, p. 72). It is absurd to think
that Robert E. Lee, who proudly flew the Confederate Battle Flag
for four years, fought the war to defend an institution that he
believed was "a moral and political evil."
As for Thomas Jonathan "Stonewall" Jackson, he grew
up so dirt poor in rural Virginia (what is now West Virginia),
that it is equally absurd to believe that he fought to defend
slavery. He was never a slave owner and had no interest in preserving
that immoral institution. As Jackson biographer James Robertson
writes in Stonewall
Jackson: The Man, The Soldier, the Legend, "The Jackson
children were familiar and in their poverty often
pitiful sights in Clarksburg [Virginia]. Townspeople occasionally
extended a helping hand." He and his siblings attended a
school for indigent children and pathetically walked around town
half naked at times.
Jackson was orphaned and was raised by an uncle who ran a sawmill
that apparently hardly ever made a profit. Far from relying on
slave labor, a teenaged Thomas Jackson "felled trees, helped
out at the mills, cared for the sheep and cattle, raised chickens,
plowed and harvested crops, produced maple syrup" and "learned
to transport wool to a carding firm two miles away . . . . He
drove oxen, hitched logs sometimes forty feet in length, to the
sawmill" (Robertson, p. 14).
Jackson’s perseverance in school earned him a free education
at West Point, thanks to the help of the people of his community
who went to bat for him with the local congressman.
As
for the horrific spectacle of lynchings, they never would have
happened had Lincoln not launched an invasion of the southern
states with the intent of destroying states’ rights as a check
on federal power once and for all. After the war the South was
ruled by a military dictatorship and the Republican Party, which
monopolized federal politics from 1861 all the way until the Franklin
D. Roosevelt administration.
An
essential element of early "Reconstruction" was the
disenfranchisement of all of the adult white males in the South,
coupled with the voter registration of every last adult male ex-slave
(no effort was made to extend voting rights to women or to argue
that they, too, deserved natural rights to life, liberty and property).
The ex-slaves assisted in the continued plundering of the South
by voting en masse to raise taxes that provided precious little
in the form of government services. Untold millions were simply
stolen by Republican Party "officials." (Property taxes
in South Carolina, for example, were 30 times higher in 1870 than
they were in 1860, and a punitive federal tax was imposed on cotton
at a time when what the South needed was tax amnesty).
The
Ku Klux Klan was created to terrorize the ex-slaves out of participating
in this political plundering racket operated by the Republican
Party. The Republicans kept promising to share the property of
white southerners with the ex-slaves, which of course they never
did and never intended to do. Had the Republicans not used their
victory and their monopoly of political power to line the pockets
of the thousands of political hacks and hangers on who were the
backbone of the party (the "carpetbaggers") the Ku Klux
Klan would never have existed. This in fact was the conclusion
of the minority report of an 1870 congressional commission that
investigated the Klan. "Had there been no wanton oppression
in the South," the congressmen wrote, "there would have
been no Ku Kluxism" (Congressman Fernando Wood, "Alleged
Ku Klux Outrages" published by the Congressional Globe Printing
Office, 1871, p. 5). The report continued that when southern whites
saw that "what little they had saved from the ravages of
war was being confiscated by taxation . . . many of them took
the law into their own hands and did deeds of violence . . . .
history shows that bad government will make bad citizens."
When the occupying Yankees finally went home in 1878, the ex-slaves
found that it was all but impossible to go with them because of
Northern black codes that would have returned them to semi-slavery.
They were left to fend for themselves amongst a vengeful population.
Had
America ended slavery peacefully as dozens of other countries,
including the British, French, Spanish, Danish, and others did
in the nineteenth century, none of this would have happened. The
ex-slaves would have integrated into society much sooner and southern
race relations would not have been poisoned for generations.
All of this, too, is lost on the ignorant Mr. Sims and his equally
clueless Gettysburg College sponsors.