Newsweek’s
Voodoo 'Gospel'
by
Thomas J. DiLorenzo
by Thomas J. DiLorenzo
DIGG THIS
Are you tired
of reading the Bible or one of the other Good Books? Do they not
"do anything" for you any more? Well, then, read the Gettysburg
Address instead, the real "American Gospel." That’s the
message of a new book (The
Gettysburg Gospel) by Gettysburg College’s Gabor Boritt,
featured recently on the front cover of Newsweek. Never mind
that Lincoln himself did not believe in God and even ridiculed those
who did. The "American Gospel," as Boritt calls the Gettysburg
Address, defines the "religion" of the U.S. government,
the "good news of a free people," according to Boritt.
Boritt
does not deny that Lincoln was a non-believer. "He would not
join a church, could not embrace the Christian conception of sin
and redemption, kept mostly silent about Jesus, and showed no inclination
to build a personal relationship with God," he writes in Newsweek.
He "rejected, even ridiculed" the Calvinism of his parents.
But Lincoln was a master politician, once defined by Murray Rothbard
as one who is "a masterful liar, conniver, and manipulator."
There has never been anyone better at it than Lincoln.
Lincoln may
have been an atheist, but he fully understood that most Americans
were certainly not, that they read the Bible, and that their emotions
could be rather easily swayed by references to the Bible, especially
at wartime when emotion seems to overwhelm reason on the part of
much of the population.
As preparation
for his political career Lincoln read the Bible (which he mocked)
over and over (along with Shakespeare and various books on rhetoric
and speech making). He cynically used Biblical language to make
political points, sometimes insinuating that his policies were the
will of God, and at other times absolving himself from all responsibility
for them, saying, for example, that all the death and destruction
of the war was the work of God, and that he had nothing to do with
it. That was the theme of his Second Inaugural Address. The war
just "came," he said, and was God’s punishment of America’s
sins (pretending to know what is in the mind of God). (Boritt claims
that Lincoln’s speeches had "no touch" of self-righteousness!).
"Much
of what Lincoln said [in the Gettysburg Address] carried the sounds
of the Bible," writes Boritt. It was "the music of the
ancient Hebrew turned into King James’s English." For example,
"Four score seven years ago" is similar to Psalm 90: "The
days of our years are three score years and ten." When he wrote
that our forefathers "brought forth" a new nation, he
knew that that was how the Bible announced a birth, including the
birth of Jesus. The Israelites are also said to have been "brought
forth" from slavery in Egypt. "Hallowed ground" is
from the story of Moses, not 1600 Pennsylvania Avenue. The phrase
"shall not perish" is from John 3:16 in the New Testament.
The word "consecration" also has a biblical lineage.
So what
was the purpose of Lincoln’s insincere, voodoo religion? Why did
he so cleverly portray the platform of the Republican Party as literally
the work of God? It was to explain "why the bloodletting must
go on," says Boritt, admitting that he did not even mention
slavery in the speech. Boritt gives the main reason for this in
the first paragraph of his Newsweek article, where he cites
an anonymous "soldier" as supposedly saying that, after
the battle, it was "The Glorious Fourth [of July] and we are
still a Nation . . ."
Boritt
here is alluding to what Lincoln would say four months later regarding
how the founders supposedly "brought forth" a "new
nation" in 1776. This was part of the ongoing propaganda
campaign that commenced with Alexander Hamilton and the Federalists,
then the Whigs, and finally the Republican Party, to rewrite the
American founding as having created a consolidated "national"
government, and not a compact among the sovereign states. It is
patently false. The founders did not create a "nation."
They created a compact among the states that agreed to delegate
a few selected powers to a central government that would serve as
their agent, mostly in the areas of foreign policy and war. As historian
Carl Degler of Stanford University once explained, "The Civil
War . . . was not a struggle to save a failed union, but to create
a nation that until then had not come into being."
The word "nation"
here really means a centralized government that would pursue the
path of empire – precisely the kind of government the American revolutionary
generation seceded from. It was instituted by the Lincoln regime
not by a constitutional convention or by any other peaceful and
legal means, but by killing one out of four adult males in the Southern
states who resisted being part of Lincoln’s "new nation."
This is why the Northern "peace Democrats," denigrated
as "copperheads" (i.e., snakes in the grass) by the Lincoln
regime, lived by the slogan, "the Constitution as it is; the
Union as it was." Lincoln idolaters like Gabor Boritt continue
to write happy-faced books cloaking this abominable mass murder
in religious language because that’s how Lincoln excused himself
from all responsibility for it.
What Lincoln’s
"Biblical style" implies, Mel Bradford wrote in A
Better Guide Than Reason (p. 190), and what it conceals,
is that Lincoln was "assuming the role of a Joshua, whose authority
is such that he need only speak the command of the Lord for it to
be obeyed." The final result, wrote Bradford, was "sacrilege
by submerged metaphor: a ‘new testament’ out of a phony ‘old,’ with
dead soldiers for a bridge."
Nearly every
one of Lincoln’s major claims in the Gettysburg Address is not only
false, but exactly the opposite of the truth. That is no doubt why
his defenders, whose books always read like a defense brief in "The
War Crimes Trial of Abraham Lincoln," are still trying
to cloud the public’s understanding of it with 300-page books about
a 272-word speech. That’s about 300 words of excuse making, speculation,
and rationalizing for every word in the actual speech.
A "new
nation" was not created in 1776, the year of the Declaration
of Independence. For that matter, the Declaration was a secessionist
document, declaring America’s secession from the British empire.
Lincoln absurdly claimed that there was such a thing as a ‘right
of revolution" but not a right of secession, a distinction
without a difference if ever there was one. His idolaters continue
to repeat this silly slogan to this day.
The Declaration
also clearly defines the states as "free, independent and sovereign,"
and concludes that, as sovereign states, they have the right to
raise taxes and even wage war. Indeed, the Revolutionary War was
waged by the sovereign states, not a "nation" called "the
United States." King George, III of England signed a peace
treaty with each individual, sovereign state, not the American "nation."
None of the founding documents – the Declaration, Articles of Confederation,
and the Constitution – uses the words "united states"
in the singular, which would connote a unitary, consolidated government.
It is always in the plural, signifying that the sovereign states
are united in forming a compact.
Nor were "we"
engaged in "a great civil war," as Lincoln stated. A civil
war is a battle between two factions over control of the nation’s
government. But Jefferson Davis did not want to run the government
in Washington, D.C. any more than George Washington wanted to run
the government in London. It was a war of secession, not a "civil
war."
The notion
that democracy – government of the people, by the people, for the
people – would perish from the earth if peaceful secession were
permitted was by far the most outlandish nonsense in the Gettysburg
Address. The Confederates posed no threat to British democracy,
or French Democracy, Dutch democracy, New England democracy, or
any other democracy. Lincoln’s argument was "just plain nonsense,"
wrote Jeffrey Hummel in Emancipating
Slaves, Enslaving Free Men.
Exactly the
opposite was true: It was the Confederates who no longer consented
to being governed by Washington, D.C., and Lincoln waged total war
to deprive them of government by consent. As H.L. Mencken once wrote,
"The Union soldiers in the battle [of Gettysburg] actually
fought against self determination; it was the Confederates who fought
for the right of their people to govern themselves."
As for
Lincoln’s Jeffersonian "all men are created equal" language
in the Address, it is important to keep in mind that Lincoln was
a master politician and that the address can be considered to be
the first speech of the 1864 presidential campaign, a campaign that
he thought he had little chance of winning, at the time. Lincoln
"hated Thomas Jefferson as a man and as a politician,"
said his longtime law partner and friend, William Herndon. Lincoln
was a Hamiltonian centralizer, the very opposite of a Jeffersonian.
But a politician so cynical as to invoke Scripture in his speeches
despite being an atheist himself would not flinch at quoting Jefferson
to advance Hamiltonian policies. Michael Lind seems to have figured
this out in his book, What
Lincoln Believed (p. 103) where he writes that "In
his support for a strong federal government . . . Lincoln, like
Clay, followed Hamilton, not Jefferson. However, he sought to appeal
to voters whose political culture was Jeffersonian, so it was politic
to quote Jefferson for Hamiltonian ends."
Lincoln
of course did not believe in equality of the races at all. He clearly
stated his opposition to it many times, spent his entire adult life
advocating "colonization" or deportation of blacks; and
supported the Illinois Black Codes and other laws that would deny
blacks any semblance of citizenship. He also was behind the "Corwin
Amendment" to the Constitution that would have enshrined slavery
in the Constitution forever. His ever-so-slick position was that
"the Africans," as he called them (as though they were
aliens from another planet) could be equal all right, but only back
in "their native clime," as he put it, i.e., in Africa,
Haiti, or some other place. Not in the U.S.
Boritt
lets the cat out of the bag toward the end of his Newsweek
article where he waxes eloquent about the real meaning of the voodoo
"religion" in the Gettysburg Address. He claims that woven
into the speech is "the conclusion of Daniel Webster’s reply
to South Carolina’s Robert Hayne in the Senate, denying that the
U.S. government was a creature of the states. It was ‘the people’s
government,’ Webster said, ‘made for the people, made by the people,
and answerable to the people." Sound familiar?
James J.
Kilpatrick was certainly right, however, when he wrote in The
Sovereign States that "the delusion that sovereignty is
vested in the whole people of the United States is one of the strangest
misconceptions of our public life." The "whole people"
never had anything to do with the enactment of the Constitution
or the Articles of Confederation. James Madison himself wrote in
his Notes on the Constitutional Convention that the Constitution
was ratified "by the people composing those political societies
[of the states] in their highest sovereign capacity." There
was never any general election over the Constitution and even if
there was, women who did not have the right to vote until
1920 would not have participated. Webster’s "whole people"
would have excluded more than 50% of the population.
The
Preamble of the first draft of the Constitution did not read "We
the people" but "We the people of the States of New Hampshire,
Massachusetts, Rhode Island and Providence Plantations, Connecticut,
New-York, New Jersey," etc. because it explicitly recognized
the fact of state sovereignty. As mentioned above, all of the founding
documents refer to the "free and independent" states,
not the "whole people."
Webster’s
nationalist myth was always nothing but a Soviet-style re-writing
of American history for the purpose of promoting a consolidated,
monopolistic form of government. Today’s statists continue to echo
this Big Lie, and to cloak it in religious rhetoric, as Lincoln
did, in a continued attempt to fool the public into supporting their
political agendas.
December
8, 2006
Thomas
J. DiLorenzo [send him mail]
professor of economics at Loyola College in Maryland and the
author of The
Real Lincoln: A New Look at Abraham Lincoln, His Agenda, and an
Unnecessary War,
(Three Rivers Press/Random House). His
latest book is Lincoln
Unmasked: What You’re Not Supposed To Know about Dishonest Abe
(Crown Forum/Random House).
Copyright
© 2006 LewRockwell.com
Thomas
DiLorenzo Archives at LRC
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