Paradoxes
of Revenge
by
David Dieteman
The
attacks on the World Trade Center and the Pentagon have fueled calls
for retaliation against whole nations. As Gene
Callahan details, there were those calling for blood
without regard to guilt or innocence, however embarrassing it might
be to admit to such heated rhetoric now.
It
is worth asking, however, why there were such calls for wholesale
slaughter in the first place.
No
one, for example, thought to retaliate in that way for Oklahoma
City.
The
reason for this is obvious. As Americans, we are able to see the
silliness in holding the entire nation (namely, ourselves) responsible
for the acts of (apparently) one criminal, Timothy McVeigh. Similarly,
those enraged over the federal assault on David Koresh and the Branch
Davidians in Waco understood that Janet Reno and other officials
were responsible, but not the American people. Although McVeigh
wrote off the everyday people he murdered as "collateral damage,"
he did not set out to target the American people per se,
but rather a federal office building as symbol of federal power.
The
Washington
Post
reports that four U.N. aid workers have died as a result of
the bombing of an office building in Kabul. Will the American press
display the same outrage at this "collateral damage" as it did over
McVeigh's claim that the innocents killed in Oklahoma City were
"collateral damage?"
One
hopes so. Although it is the nature of war that innocents will be
harmed, this is to be avoided at all costs, and to be sorrowfully
lamented when it takes place.
Again,
Americans are able to see the silliness in holding every American
citizen responsible for the bombing of Oklahoma City. This should
be no less true in the case of Afghanistan, Saudi Arabia, or Iraq.
Had a Canadian, an Englishman or an Italian been responsible for
the attacks on New York and Washington, calls to lay waste to Canada,
England, or Italy would be inappropriate.
The
paradox of the desire for revenge on a national scale is connected
to the fact that the U.S. government is sometimes unpopular overseas,
and goes to show that human beings in fact are rather similar, wherever
they might live.
Americans
appear perfectly able to distinguish evil and sleazy Americans,
say, the Clintons, from the average mom and pop, salt of the earth
type of American. This, of course, is assuming that these Americans
have all the facts in front of them. Many of those who once defended
Clinton against the charge that he was a huckster, etc., came to
realize the truth of the charge during the Monica Lewinsky affair,
or rather the public aftermath of that sexual affair.
When
Bill Clinton admitted to cheating on his wife with Lewinsky, then
(did he ever admit that? anyway...), most Americans shrugged. They
did not see Clinton's immoral behavior as indicative of some society-wide
immorality. They saw it as Clinton's own responsibility for what
he did.
When
it comes to strangers, however, and in particular the sub-set of
strangers generically known as "foreigners," Americans take the
famous foreigners seen in the news to stand for their entire nation.
Why? Simple human ignorance. We don't know much about other places,
we overwhelmingly are unable to learn much about them due to our
ignorance of foreign languages, and there is a natural human tendency
to be cautious toward those who are different.
(As
an aside, one of my cousins married a Filipino woman. At first,
my family was shocked when her family referred to the groom as "a
foreigner." It was quickly realized, however, that where the Filipinos
were concerned, he was exactly that: a foreigner. Such is the natural
tendency of human thinking. Presumably the Filipinos also realized
that the Americans viewed them as foreigners. For the record, in
case I have raised any concerns on the part of the professional
victims, such as Jesse Jackson, or the professional racial fear-mongers
like the SPLC, the wedding and reception were wonderful. No American
guests lynched the Filipino guests.)
Returning
to the main argument, the same natural human tendency toward ignorance
of foreigners appears also to influence the minds of those who hate
the United States.
There
are those who despise the United States because they despise Western
civilization, capitalism, or democracy. There are those who despise
the government of the United States because they despise the American
global push for secularism and abortion rights.
And
yet there are many Americans who despise their own government for
the same reasons.
Lew
Rockwell made exactly this point on Christmas Eve, 1999, in an open
letter to the potential terrorists of the world which originally
appeared on WorldNetDaily.
As
Rockwell wrote,
You
are undoubtedly outraged at the bombings and ongoing sanctions
against Iraq. It's true that these actions are grossly contrary
to morality. It's also true that tens of thousands of civilians
have died because of them. But these actions were undertaken
by the dictatorial executive branch, and with only the tacit
approval of the Congress. No one asked the American people if
we wanted this. Thanks to the long, progressive seizure of power
by the presidency, the Clinton administration can act on its
own, and pursue its own agenda apart from the will of the American
people.
As
Rockwell also noted, attacking the American people would be a colossally
stupid thing to do:
What
can be done about it? You may propose violence, but that would
be wrong, and it can only lead to more bombings, more interventions,
and more crackdowns on liberties, at home and abroad. Indeed,
terrorism can only play into the hands of the government because
it seems to validate everything the Clinton administration is
saying.
In
other words, Osama bin Laden has done exactly the last thing he
should have ever done if he genuinely wants peace in Palestine and
Iraq. Attacking the American people will not bring peace to Palestine
or Iraq ever. Instead, the attacks on America will bring a spiral
of more and more violence.
Other
peoples of the world react to bombing and killing in much the same
way as Americans: they cry out for revenge. Americans must consider
that our actions, if they are not carefully measured and limited,
will also bring a spiral of more and more hatred of America, together
with more innocents killed.
Such
an outcome must be avoided.
Which
brings us to free trade.
Apart
from high level state visits, such as Bill Clinton showing up to
wine, dine and bite his lip, what contact do most foreigners have
with Americans? They might meet the occasional tourist. On the other
hand, foreign trade is an opportunity for people from all over the
world to come together for mutual gain.
Free
trade is both voluntary and, by definition, mutually beneficial
in the minds of the traders. This peaceful interaction between peoples
of different creeds and races is to be distinguished from the type
of "interaction" urged by the war hawks, namely, bloodshed, suffering,
and death.
Many
foreigners, then, like Americans as individuals, and perhaps like
their American business partners, but they hate the American government.
And, to repeat myself, there are many Americans who hate the American
government, specifically, because it has shredded its constitutional
limits and been transformed into the worst sort of unlimited democracy,
when compared to the constitutional design.
What
is the path to peace? Freedom. More particularly, freedom exercised
in the marketplace. Free trade. By interacting peacefully and for
mutual gain, human beings come to understand one another, and to
recognize that others are needed to combat scarcity and achieve
prosperity.
The
United States must keep its bombing to a minimum. We must apprehend
those responsible for the attacks, and then allow the private interaction
of the people of the world to bring about a return to peace and
normalcy.
In
closing, there are those who celebrate the "unity" of America in
the wake of the attacks. There are those who, in trying to find
good, root for the wrong sort of teamwork, namely, the teamwork
of war. Apparently lost on those who celebrate such unity is the
fact that it is the least desirable form of unity imaginable. It
is not at all sensible to celebrate a state of genuine crisis.
A
German World War Two veteran, Bernhard Rogge, who captained the
commerce raider Atlantis (also known as "Ship 16"), and who
was heralded by his British opponents as a chivalrous man, wrote
in the preface to Ship 16 that he wished there were a common
endeavor which could bring men together in the way that they came
together during war, but without the horrors of war. In other words,
a way for men to work together at genuine achievements, but without
the constant presence of pain, suffering, and death.
There
is such a common endeavor: free commerce.
Yet
another German commander, Hans von Luck (who came to be known in
America through the works of Stephen Ambrose, such as D-Day
and Citizen
Soldiers), points out in his own book, Panzer
Commander, that everyday people do not start wars. Politicians
start wars. And then everyday people are made to fight the wars.
By the way, von Luck was a member of the German aristocracy. He
worked closely with Field Marshal Erwin Rommel, and was in a Soviet
P.O.W. camp until 1950. He is not, then, merely a man on the street,
but a well-informed observer.
Unfortunately,
the intellectual framework for a free and civil society, separate
from the government, was largely lost in Germany, even before the
National Socialists triumphed over the Communists in the struggle
to control Germany in the 1930s. Sentiments such as those of the
battle veterans Rogge and von Luck were not understood by enough
Germans.
The
intellectual framework of the founding fathers, of George Washington,
Thomas Jefferson, Patrick Henry, and Tom Paine, must not be lost
in the quest for justice.
The
terrorists must be brought to justice. Long-term security, however,
will not come from bombing, but from free trade. We must not lose
sight of this in struggling to make sense of a world gone mad.
October
10 ,
2001
Mr.
Dieteman [send him mail]
is an attorney in Erie, Pennsylvania, and a PhD candidate in philosophy
at The Catholic University of America.
©
2001 David Dieteman
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