The
Middle East
by
David Dieteman
President
Bush told Prime Minister Ariel Sharon that "our nation will not
try to force peace" in the Middle East. That was quite some time
ago, when the idea of the peace process "succeeding" was not so
impossible to believe.
At
the time, I wondered whether a measure of sanity had returned to
American foreign policy after an 84-year leave of absence.
As
the Washington Times reported, Bush's comment were pregnant
with more meaning than a nascent anti-interventionism. "It was a
veiled reference to Mr. Clinton's aggressive push for peace, which
failed after high-pressure talks at Camp David last year."
Clinton
approached the Middle East in the same way that he approached "the
health care crisis," his impeachment, and every other fight he staged
with the Republican party. He charged head first into the fray,
loudly sniping at critics as foolish or evil, and attempted to simply
push events the way he wanted them to go. (Did he treat foreign
peoples the way he treated women? Hmm).
At
the core, Clinton's approach to all problems was the approach of
the huckster, loudly braying about the amazing benefits of letting
him run your life, forcing you to sign on the dotted line, and disappearing
before you realize you've signed your life away.
This
circus act had a chance of working in domestic politics because
the power-mad Democratic party, as well as its lickspittle allies
in the labor unions, teachers' unions, and "civil rights" hierarchy,
would cement the Clinton policy by endless repetition of the chosen
mantras.
Where
domestic policy is concerned, the Democrats were at least able to
try to brainwash the sheep called voters into believing that Bill
Clinton gave the American people"the most ethical administration
in history," was "the first black president," and brought "peace
to the Middle East" and was solely responsible for "peace in Ireland."
Pay no attention to that man behind the curtain! Never mind that
men, women and children continue to die in Belfast and Palestine,
that numerous Clinton cronies are now behind bars, and that American
blacks are not much better off than they were in 1992 when the "first
black president" took office.
The
Democrats and their establishment allies, however, are utterly helpless
when it comes to persuading the Palestinians and the Israelis, or
Sinn Fein and the Democratic Unionist Party, about what a great
deal Bill Clinton deigned to give them.
As
a result, Clinton's snake-oil sale went bust overseas. Nobody told
the Palestinians that Clinton brought "peace" to the Middle East.
At a party in Manhattan, Clinton reportedly told Yasser Arafat that
Arafat had made Clinton "a failure." Ah, the elusive search for
a legacy.
Even
if the American media had had the Palestinians, Israelis, and the
six counties of Northern Ireland as a captive audience, Clinton's
strategy was bound to fail for the reason that Clinton is no Yasser
Arafat, and he is no Gerry Adams.
Arafat
and Adams live with the threat of death on a daily basis. Their
political careers are built upon earlier careers based upon less
subtle forms of persuasion. Arafat has spent his life fighting the
Israeli army and intelligence agency, while Adams has spent his
life struggling against the British army and Loyalist terror groups.
Adams has also spent a time in prison.
A
snake oil salesman from Arkansas was not about to make Yasser Arafat
or Gerry Adams blink.
As
the Washington Times continued,
"The
Camp David talks...went haywire, putting Jerusalem front and
center as the sort of the be-all and end-all of negotiations
before it really was ripe for solution," Vice President Richard
B. Cheney told The Washington Times. "You've got to look
at the situation we inherited in the Middle East and, frankly,
it's a mess."
Yes,
it is indeed a mess. But it would be a continuance of American ignorance
of the Middle East to suppose that it is wholly Clinton's fault
that the region is "a mess," or that the situation is wholly the
fault of the United States.
Those
who wish to at least begin to understand the Middle East must recognize
that newspapers (even, and perhaps especially, the New York Times
and the Washington Post), magazines, TV and radio news (even
the "in-depth" government-sponsored variety on PBS and NPR) are
not likely to provide a serious understanding of the Middle East.
The
reason for this is the nature of news. Fundamentally, a newspaper
tells you what happened yesterday. A magazine goes a bit more in-depth,
and tells you what happened last week. Nightly TV news is much like
a newspaper, but with bright colors and flashing lights, and the
radio is not much more than someone with a nice voice reading you
the newspaper. For that matter, some radio hosts actually read the
newspaper on the air.
Those
who wish to at least begin to understand the Middle East note,
I make no promises that anyone will actually understand the Middle
East, nor do I claim to fully understand the Middle East have
some homework to do, something more meaty to read than newspapers
and magazines.
For
starters, consult David Fromkin's masterful book, A
Peace to End All Peace: The Fall of the Ottoman Empire and the Creation
of the Modern Middle East. (Albert Hourani's A
History of the Arab Peoples is also worth a look, as is
The
Arab World: Forty Years of Change by Elizabeth Warnock Fernea
and Robert A. Fernea).
At
the very least, Fromkin's book provides food for thought such that
those who read the book will hopefully be less susceptible to manipulation
by politicians acting through the news media. (Fromkin, by the way,
has also written an excellent book on the American military intervention
in the Balkans entitled Kosovo
Crossing: American Ideals Meet Reality on the Balkan Battlefields).
To
summarize Fromkin, the mess in the Middle East can largely be traced
to the First World War and the master mess-makers who controlled
America, England, France, and Russia. Clinton's mess-making was
only the latest mess-making in the Arab world by meddling outsiders.
In
the First World War the blood-soaked butchery which manifestly
failed to "make the world safe for democracy" (democracy, you see,
is so fragile that it can only exist in a bubble) England, France
and Russia all had their own schemes for the Ottoman Empire, which
we know today as Turkey.
The
Ottoman Empire itself was wracked by internal dissension. The "Young
Turks" party sought to "modernize" Turkey by exterminating the Armenian
population and forcing Turkey to become an industrial nation.
Note
that 84 years later, Turkey is still trying to become an industrial
nation. Also note that "internal dissension" is simply political
verbiage for people being people. Human beings generally being dissatisfied
with life on earth, they tend to be restless and constantly in search
of a magic formula to bring a life of ease and constant pleasure.
This is, of course, a fool's errand, but it happens. Suffice it
to say that people in Turkey were struggling to decide what it meant
to be Turkish, and what kind of place Turkey ought to be. Sound
familiar?
Enter
England, France, and Russia, all offering to "help" Turkey and
in the process carving up the Middle East into "spheres of influence,"
picking winners in local power struggles, and, generally, botching
the job.
These
were the same "best and the brightest," after all, who so masterfully
drew up a new map of Europe after World War One which to this
day is being redrawn by bloodshed in the Balkans.
In
the end, American voters must come to understand that the troubles
of the world are more complicated than an action movie. Despite
the fact that Ariel Sharon "blames Mr. Arafat for much of the ongoing
bloodshed," more Palestinians than Israelis have been killed.
Rushing
in with guns blazing is not going to change centuries of history.
It is only going to get innocent people killed. Before the United
States retaliates for the attack on the USS Cole, or for the attacks
on Washington and New York, the "best and the brightest" had better
do their homework. And do it better than their predecessors.
September
16,
2001
Mr.
Dieteman [send him mail]
is an attorney in Erie, Pennsylvania, and a PhD candidate in philosophy
at The Catholic University of America.
©
2001 David Dieteman
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