Lincoln's
Legacy: Omnipotent Government
by
David Dieteman
In
the ongoing debate over the legacy of Abraham Lincoln, Glenn Ellmers,
director of research at the Claremont Institute, contends that Joe
Sobran misdiagnoses the problems of contemporary politics. As Ellmers
writes,
Sobran's
anti-Lincolnism is wrong because it completely misidentifies the
origins of our current occupying army: i.e., the legions of liberals
who, like the apes in the movie, exercise an unnatural dominion
over human society.
Where
then, you might wonder, is the origin of the contemporary "unnatural
dominion over human society" exercised by the Left? According to
Ellmers,
Sobran
cannot attribute to Lincoln the idea that the Constitution was
merely an 18th century document, and therefore out of date; that
natural rights were a "fantasy;" that modern life – because always
changing – required a government that was always growing; and
that "progress" meant there was nothing permanently true or right.
But these were precisely the opinions voiced by the leading American
philosophers, journalists, and politicians in the Progressive
Movement. It was John Dewey, Herbert Croly, and Woodrow Wilson
– not Abraham Lincoln – who gave us the principles and practice
of the modern leviathan state.
Here,
Ellmers mishandles the argument.
It
is correct that Lincoln did not believe the Constitution to be "merely
an 18th century document," or that natural rights were a fantasy.
It
is also wholly irrelevant.
Lincoln
is not accused by Joe Sobran of having been intellectually identical
in every way with Bill Clinton, FDR, or Woodrow Wilson. Instead,
the charge is that Lincoln's conduct – namely, Lincoln's seizure
of powers not delegated to him by the Constitution, in the name
of "saving" the Constitution – destroyed constitutional government
in America, and opened the door to the Progressives and the Democrats.
Lincoln's
usurpation, and his fundamental alteration of the American political
system, destroyed the structural barricades which protected the
United States from the horror of unlimited democracy, i.e., from
a government which used success at the ballot box as a justification
for reshaping society in its own image.
It
is true that John Dewey and Woodrow Wilson had different ideas about
what to do with the powers of the government, and different ideas
about human nature and political philosophy. It is also true that
Wilson, FDR, and Clinton would very likely never have been able
to put their ideas into practice had Abraham Lincoln not turned
the United States from a decentralized union of sovereign states
into a centralized nation under Washington, DC.
By
way of final proof, consider that Ellmers defines "the liberal project"
as follows:
Americans
would no longer be citizens exercising sovereign control over
their government, but a mass of raw materials to be worked upon
by the government.
This
is precisely the precedent set by Lincoln. This is his legacy. Those
Americans living south of the Mason-Dixon line sought to exercise
sovereign control over their government by withdrawing from a government
that was hostile to them. They were not allowed to go in peace,
but were killed in battle and dragged back to the "union" as a conquered
people.
The
very definition of "Reconstruction" was the treatment of Southern
men, women and children as "a mass of raw materials to be worked
upon by the government." The Southern people would be "allowed"
back into the union it had allegedly never left only after they
forcibly conformed themselves to Northern opinions.
Additionally,
Ellmers recommends Charles Kesler's essay "Getting Right with Lincoln."
As I have previously argued, the Kesler essay is deeply flawed.
See my article "Three
Views of the Constitution," and scroll down to "Charles
Kesler." See also my article "Contra
Claremont" for additional arguments about Lincoln and
constitutional law.
In
closing, a question for those who remain unsure about their own
views of Abraham Lincoln. If one is in favor of the rule of law,
of constitutional limits on the power of government, what in Lincoln's
record demonstrates that Lincoln believed his powers to be limited?
Nothing.
Those
who revere Abraham Lincoln do not dispute this point. Instead, they
contend that Lincoln had to play the part of a military dictator,
precisely so that Americans could live in peace. He had to destroy
the South in order to save it.
There
is nothing "conservative" or praiseworthy about that.
August
10,
2001
Mr.
Dieteman [send him mail]
is an attorney in Erie, Pennsylvania, and a PhD candidate in philosophy
at The Catholic University of America.
©
2001 David Dieteman
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