Is
Bush Becoming Irrelevant?
by
Patrick
J. Buchanan
by
Patrick J. Buchanan
DIGG THIS
Is Bush Becoming
Irrelevant?
After losing
both houses of Congress in the 1994 election, Bill Clinton expostulated:
The president of the United States is not irrelevant!
On learning
his trusted aide from Texas Scott McClellan has denounced as an
"unnecessary war" the same Iraq war McClellan defended from the
White House podium, George Bush must feel as Clinton did.
The synchronized
savagery of the attacks on McClellan as turncoat suggests he drew
blood. For what he has done is offer confirmation to the president's
war critics, from within the White House inner circle, that Bush's
motive in going to war was not a clear and present danger of attack
by Iraq with weapons of mass destruction, but to advance a Bush
crusade to impose democracy on the Middle East.
Neoconservative
ideology, not U.S. national interests, McClellan is saying, motivated
Bush to launch one of the longest and most divisive wars in U.S.
history.
When loyalists
defect and seek to profit from that defection, it is usually a sign
of a failing presidency. And, indeed, events suggest that history
is passing Bush by.
Despite
the administration's designation of Hamas and Hezbollah as terrorist
organizations, and of Syria and Iran as state sponsors of terror
with whom we do not negotiate, America's clients are ignoring America.
Israel
has ignored Bush's demand that it stop building and expanding settlements
on a West Bank that is to be the heartland of a Palestinian state.
Prime Minister Ehud Olmert has been secretly negotiating with Syria
for the return of the Golan Heights in exchange for peace.
When America
refused to play honest broker between Jerusalem and Damascus, Turkey,
at Israel's request, stepped into the role.
The
pro-American Lebanese government of Prime Minister Siniora has negotiated
a truce and power-sharing arrangement with Hezbollah, giving that
militant Shiite movement and party veto power in the Beirut government.
Egypt is negotiating with Hamas for a truce in the Israeli-Gaza
war and to effect the exchange of a captured Israeli solider held
by Hamas for Hamas fighters held in Israel.
The Iranian
Revolutionary Guard, designated a terrorist organization by the
Senate, helped to arrange the ceasefire between government forces
and the Mahdi Army in Basra and Sadr City. While the United States
has used the roughest of language to denounce Mahmoud Ahmadinejad,
the Iranian president has been received as an honored guest by the
Iraqi government we support and by the Ayatollah Sistani, who has
yet to meet a high-ranking American.
When Bush
went to the Middle East to celebrate the 60th anniversary of Israel
as the Zionist he has become, he was criticized by a Palestinian
leader who survives on U.S. aid. When he went to Riyadh to plead
for an increase in the flow of oil, he got a token concession from
the king.
In Pakistan,
the new government has been negotiating a truce with the radicalized
frontier provinces, which would leave the Taliban with a privileged
sanctuary from which to prepare their annual offensives to overthrow
the government in Kabul and expel the Americans, as their fathers
expelled the Russians.
As Russia
and China move closer together to oppose U.S. missile defenses and
the U.S. presence, military and economic, in the Caucasus and Central
Asia, Latin America seems to be going its own leftward way. The
halcyon days of the Alliance for Progress are long gone.
The world
seems to be waiting for Bush to depart and for the next American
president. For the foreign policy differences between John McCain
and Barack Obama are as real and stark as they have been since the
Reagan-Carter election of 1980, or the Nixon-McGovern election of
1972.
Looking
back on the years since 9-11, it is hard to give the Bush foreign
policy passing grades. We pushed NATO eastward and alienated Russia.
We have 140,000 Army and Marine Corps troops tied down in Iraq in
a war now in its sixth year, from which our NATO allies have all
extricated themselves. We have another war going in Afghanistan,
where the situation is as grave as it has been since we went in.
The
Bush democracy crusade was put on the shelf after producing election
triumphs for Hamas, Hezbollah and the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt.
And the Bush Doctrine of preventive war, after Iraq, appears to
be headed there, as well.
America
remains the first economic and military power on earth. But after
seven years of Bush, we no longer inspire the awe or hopes we once
did. We are no longer the world hegemonic power of the neocons'
depiction. And the reason is that Bush embraced their utopian ideology
of democratic empire and listened to their siren's call to be the
Churchill of his age.
Of Bush,
it may be said he was a far better politician and candidate than
his father, but as a statesman and world leader, he could not carry
the old man's loafers.
May
30, 2008
Patrick
J. Buchanan [send
him mail] is co-founder and editor of The
American Conservative. He is also the author of seven books,
including Where
the Right Went Wrong, and A
Republic Not An Empire. His latest book is Churchill,
Hitler, and the Unnecessary War.
Copyright
© 2008 Creators Syndicate
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J. Buchanan Archives
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