Phase III of Bush's War
by
Patrick
J. Buchanan
by
Patrick J. Buchanan
DIGG THIS
Those who hoped
that – with the victory of the antiwar party in 2006, the departure
of Rumsfeld and the neocons from the Pentagon, the rise of Condi
and the eclipse of Cheney – America was headed out of Iraq got a
rude awakening. They are about to get another.
Today,
the United States has 30,000 more troops in Iraq than on the day
America repudiated the Bush war policy and voted the GOP out of
power. And President Bush, self-confidence surging, is now employing
against Iran a bellicosity redolent of the days just prior to Operation
Iraqi Freedom.
What gives
Bush his new cockiness? The total collapse of the antiwar coalition
on Capitol Hill and the breaking of the Congress.
Last spring,
Bush vetoed the congressional deadlines for troop withdrawals, then
rubbed Congress' nose in its defeat by demanding and getting $100
billion to support the surge and continue the war.
Before
the August recess, Democrats broke again and voted to give Bush
the warrantless wiretap authority many among them had said was an
unconstitutional and impeachable usurpation of power. They are a
broken and frightened lot.
Comes now
evidence congressional Democrats have not only lost the pro-victory
vote, but forfeited the peace vote, as well.
According
to a Zogby poll the last week in August, just two weeks before Gen.
Petraeus and Ambassador Crocker report, Americans, by 45 percent
to 20 percent, give this Democratic Congress lower grades on handling
the war than the Republican Congress it replaced.
Fifty-four
percent of the nation believes, contra Harry Reid, the war is not
lost. That is twice the support that Bush enjoys for his war leadership,
a paltry 27 percent. But, by nine to one, Bush's leadership on the
war is preferred to that of the Congress of Nancy Pelosi and Harry
Reid.
Incredibly,
only 3 percent of the nation gives Congress a positive rating on
its handling of the war. Congress has lost the hawks, and the owls,
and the doves. No one trusts its leadership on the war.
And George
W. smells it. He no longer fears the power of Congress, and his
rhetoric suggests he is contemptuous of it. He is brimming with
self-assurance that he can break any Democratic attempt to impose
deadlines for troop withdrawal and force Congress to cough up all
the funds he demands.
Confident
of victory this fall on the Hill, Bush is now moving into Phase
III in his War on Terror: First, Afghanistan, then Iraq, then Iran.
Do not
take this writer's word for it. Hearken to the astonishing rhetoric
Bush used at the American Legion Convention in Las Vegas against
Tehran:
"Iran ...
is the world's leading state sponsor of terrorism. ... Iran funds
terrorist groups like Hamas and the Palestinian Islamic Jihad, which
murder the innocent and target Israel. ... Iran is sending arms
to the Taliban. ... Iran has arrested visiting American scholars
who have committed no crimes. ... Iran's active pursuit of technology
that could lead to nuclear weapons threatens to put a region already
known for instability and violence under the shadow of a nuclear
holocaust.
"Iran's
actions threaten the security of nations everywhere. ... We will
confront this danger before it is too late."
Bush has
repeatedly warned Iran to cease supplying Iraqi insurgents with
arms and enhanced IEDs for attacks on our troops in Iraq.
How has
Tehran responded to Bush's virtual ultimatums?
"The attacks
on our bases and our troops by Iranian-supplied munitions have increased
in the last few months – despite pledges by Iran to help stabilize
the security situation in Iraq. ...
"Iran's
leaders cannot escape responsibility for aiding attacks against
coalition forces and the murder of innocent Iraqis."
This is
a case for war. Indeed, it's an assertion by President Bush that
Iran is colluding in acts of war against the soldiers and Marines
and allies of the United States. What does he intend to do?
"I have
authorized our military commanders in Iraq to confront Tehran's
murderous activities. ... We've conducted operations against Iranian
agents supplying lethal munitions to extremist groups."
This suggests
that U.S. forces may already be engaged in combat operations against
Iranians.
Who or
what can stop this drive to war?
Last
spring, Nancy Pelosi herself, after a call from the Israeli lobby,
pulled an amendment that would have forced Bush to come to Congress
for specific authorization before attacking Iran. Before the August
recess, the Senate voted 97 to zero for a resolution sponsored by
Joe Lieberman to censure Iran for complicity in the killing of U.S.
soldiers in Iraq.
The resolution
explicitly rejected authorization for immediate military action,
but the gist of it declared that Iran is participating in acts of
war against the United States, laying the foundation for a confrontation.
What
is to prevent Bush from attacking Iran and widening the war, at
a time and place of his choosing, and sooner than we think?
Nothing
and no one.
September
3, 2007
Patrick
J. Buchanan [send
him mail] is co-founder and editor of The
American Conservative. He is also the author of seven books,
including Where
the Right Went Wrong, and A
Republic Not An Empire.
Copyright
© 2007 Creators Syndicate
Patrick
J. Buchanan Archives
|