Lyndon
Baines Obama
by
Patrick
J. Buchanan
by
Patrick J. Buchanan
It was the
winter of conservative discontent.
Barry Goldwater
had gotten only 38 percent of the vote, and his party had suffered
its worst thrashing since Alf Landon fell to FDR in 1936.
Democrats
held 295 House seats, Republicans 140. They held 68 Senate seats
to Republicans' 32, and 33 governors to the GOP's 17.
Democratic
registration was twice that of the GOP. The liberal press was gleefully
writing the obituary of "The Party That Lost Its Head."
Decades
might pass, it was said, before the GOP recovered from its fatal
embrace of right-wing radicalism and foolish rejection of the leadership
of Govs. Nelson Rockefeller and William Scranton.
Wrote Robert
Donovan in the opening lines of his book, The
Future of the Republican Party:
"The
devastating defeat of Barry Goldwater at the hands of voters in
all sections of the country but the Deep South has damaged, weakened
and tarnished the party. For years to come ... the two-party system
will be crippled."
Donovan
and all the rest were wrong. The GOP came roaring back in 1966 to
capture 47 House seats and eight new governorships. In 1968, Nixon
led the party out of the wilderness and into a White House it would
hold for 20 of the next 24 years.
Full of
hubris in 1965, Lyndon Johnson had seized his moment. He had launched
a Great Society that would outdo his beloved patron FDR. He would
dispatch 500,000 troops to Vietnam to "bring the coonskin home on
the wall" and create a "Great Society on the Mekong." Those were
heady days of "guns-and-butter."
By 1968,
LBJ's coalition was shredded. Gov. George Wallace had torn away
the populist right. Sens. Gene McCarthy, George McGovern and Robert
Kennedy had rallied the antiwar left against him. LBJ and Hubert
Humphrey were left to preside over a shrinking center.
Why did
LBJ fail? He overloaded the circuits. He tried to do it all. He
misread a national desire for continuity after Kennedy's death as
a mandate for a lunge to the left and a great leap forward with
the largest expansion of government since the New Deal.
By 1968,
racial riots had torn apart almost every great city. The most prestigious
campuses had been rocked by student violence. Thousands of antiwar
demonstrators had taken to the streets. And 100 to 200 body bags
were coming home from Vietnam every week.
By the
winter of 1968, Lyndon Johnson was a broken president.
History
never repeats itself exactly. But Barack Obama is making the same
mistakes today that LBJ made in 1965.
He has
ordered 17,000 more U.S. troops into Afghanistan, as the situation
deteriorates and the NATO allies pull out. He has no exit strategy.
He has read a repudiation of George Bush as a mandate for a government
seizure of wealth and power that exceeds anything attempted in the
Great Society.
Fully
half of the $3.55 trillion in spending Obama will preside over this
year will not be covered by tax revenue but by red ink. The money
will have to be borrowed from abroad or printed by the Fed.
Not only
is Barack running a deficit four times as large as Bush's largest,
he has called for $1 trillion in new taxes on America's most successful,
who have already seen their savings and pensions ravaged.
He wants
a cap-and-trade system to deal with a global-warming or climate-change
crisis many scientists believe is a hoax. He is going to provide
health care for all, including immigrants, millions of whom arrive
uninsured every year. He is going to plunge scores of billions more
into education, though education has eaten up the wealth of an empire,
as SAT scores sink further and further below the apogee of 1964,
before LBJ and the feds barged in. He is going to ask Congress for
authority to spend another $750 billion rescuing the banks.
He
is going to find the cure for cancer. He is going to ensure every
kid gets a college education. He is going to drop half of all wage-earners
off the tax rolls, while the top 2 percent, who already pay 40 percent
of all income taxes, are forced to cough up more.
Obama is
misreading the election returns. When America voted to cancel the
White House lease of Mr. Bush, it did not vote Barack Obama a blank
check.
By misinterpreting
his mandate, Obama has accomplished something John McCain could
not – unite the Republican Party and instill in it a new esprit
de corps. For the Obama budget is an insult to the core belief of
the party – that free people, not coercive government, should shape
the character of society.
By daring
Republicans to fight on the issue of a $1.75 trillion deficit, Obama
has liberated the GOP from any obligation to him. He has come out
of the closet as a radical liberal spoiling for a fight over an
agenda of radical change.
Sooner
than any might have thought, we have clarity.
March
11, 2009
Patrick
J. Buchanan [send
him mail] is co-founder and editor of The
American Conservative. He is also the author of seven books,
including Where
the Right Went Wrong, and A
Republic Not An Empire. His latest book is Churchill,
Hitler, and the Unnecessary War.
Copyright
© 2009 Creators Syndicate
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