Garfield, Harding, Arthur
by
Bill Bonner
by Bill Bonner
The
benefit of royalty is that they are as variable as the gene pool
itself. One king has a long nose, like Louis 14th. Another has a
pert, little snoze the turns up and makes him look boyish even when
he is commanding executioners.
Occasionally,
subjects of a kingdom get a rotten monarch who cannot leave well
enough alone...and occasionally they get a bonnie prince and good
king, who spends his time dallying with courtesans and leaves his
countrymen in peace. Even a bad king like Charles I was better than
a self-righteous hustler like Cromwell, who cut his head off. As
long as Cromwell lived, England knew no peace; after he was gone,
the whole country gratefully and eagerly brought back another Charles,
dusted him off, and put him back on the throne.
Oliver
Cromwell was more like a modern president; a leader by intention
and design, rather than by dumb luck. This made him immeasurably
less suited to lead, in our opinion, because he was full of foolish
ideas and ruinous plans like Woodrow Wilson or Franklin.
But having no royalty, Americans have only their elected presidents
to bow before. Too bad, they always seem to choose the wrong ones.
An
honest and upright man has no place in national politics. A man
with his wits about him is too modest for the role. He suffers greatness
as a sort of hypocrisy. He has no better idea of how the nation
should be led than anyone else and he knows it. Dissembling
wears him down until he is shouldered out of the way by bolder liars
and abject stoneheads. The former will say whatever the voters want
to hear and then go on with disastrous projects. The latter
have no plans or fixed ideas of any sort...they merely shake hands
and blabber whatever cockamamie nonsense comes into their heads.
The former never make good presidents. The latter often do.
Many
of the best American presidents such as Garfield, Harding,
and Arthur are rarely even mentioned. Lincoln, Wilson, Roosevelt,
on the other hand, are routinely described as national heroes. Nobody
really knows which president was good for the nation and which was
bad. We would have to know what would have happened if the man in
the Oval Office had done something different. Would the nation be
better off if Lincoln had not slaughtered so many southerners? Would
world history have been worse if Wilson had not meddled in WWI?
We can't know the answers; we can only guess. But the historians
who guess about such matters have a disturbing tilt not towards
mediocrity, but towards imbecility. Like crooked butchers, they
advertise our biggest mutton-brains as prime beef and push
their thumbs down on the scales of history to give them extra weight.
Those they select as "great" are merely those who have given them
the most meat those who have made the biggest public spectacles
of themselves.
Most
historians rate Lincoln, Wilson and Roosevelt as our greatest presidents.
But every one of them might just as well be charged with dereliction,
gross incompetence and treason. For every one of them at one time
or another betrayed the constitution, got the country into a war
that probably could have been avoided, and practically bankrupted
the nation.
The
presumption that underlies the popular opinion is that a president
faces challenges. He is rated on how well he faces up to them. But
the biggest challenge a president will face is no different from
that faced by a Louis or a Charles merely staying out of
the way. People have their own challenges, their own plans, their
own, private lives to lead. The last thing they need is a president
who wants to improve the world. Every supposed improvement cost
citizens dearly. If it is a bridge, it is they who must pay for
it, whether it is needed or not. If it is a law forbidding this
or regulating that...it is their activities that are proscribed.
If it is a war, it is they who must die. Every step towards phony
public do-goodism comes at the expense of genuine private improvements.
That
is why a president who does nothing is a treasure. William Henry
Harrison, for example, was a model national leader. Rare in a president,
he did what he promised to do. He told voters that he would "under
no circumstances" serve more than a single term. He made good on
his promise in the most conclusive way. The poor man caught pneumonia
giving his inaugural address. He was dead within 31 days of taking
the oath of office.
James
A. Garfield was another great. He took office in March of 1881.
The man was a marvel who could write Latin with one hand and Greek
with the other at the same time. He was shot in July and
died three months later. "He didn't have time to accomplish his
plans," say the standard histories. Thank God.
Millard
Fillmore was one of America's greatest presidents. He did little
other than trying to preserve peace in the period leading
up to the War Between the States. Preserving peace was an achievement,
but instead of giving the man credit, historians hold up the humbug,
Abraham Lincoln, for praise. America has never suffered more harm
than on Lincoln's watch. Still, it is the Lincoln Memorial to which
crowds of agitators and malcontents repair, not the Fillmore Memorial.
As far as we know, no monument exists to Fillmore, who not only
kept the peace, he also installed the first system of running water
in the White House giving the place its first bathtub. Fillmore
was a modest man. Oxford University offered him an honorary degree.
But Fillmore couldn't read Latin. He refused the diploma, saying
he didn't want a degree he couldn't read.
If
Fillmore couldn't read Latin, Andrew Johnson was lucky to be able
to read at all. He never went to any kind of school; his wife taught
him to read. He too is often held up as an example of a failed presidency.
Instead, he seems to have made one of the best deals for the American
people ever buying Alaska from Russia for $7.2 million. Who
has added so much since? Who has actually made the nation richer,
rather than poorer? Johnson did the nation a great service. Still,
he gets little respect and practically no thanks.
But
our favorite president is Warren Gamaliel Harding.
In
his hit book, Blink, Malcolm Gladwell tells how Harry Daugherty
(a leader of the Republican party in Ohio) met Warren Gamaliel Harding
in 1899 in the back garden of the Globe Hotel in Richwood, Ohio...both
were having their shoes shined.
Daughterty
blinked and thought he saw a man who could be president
Journalist
Mark Sullivan described the moment:
"Harding
was worth looking at. He was at the time about 35 years old. His
head, features, shoulders and torso had a size that attracted
attention, their proportions to each other made an effect, which
in any male at any place would justify more than the term handsome.
In later years, when he came to be known beyond his local world,
the world 'Roman' was occasionally used in descriptions of him.
As he stepped down from the stand, his legs bore out the striking
and agreeable proportions of his body; and his lightness on his
feet, his erectness, his easy bearing, added to the impression
of physical grace and virility. His suppleness, combined with
is bigness of frame, and his large, wide-set rather glowing eyes,
his very black hair, and bronze complexion gave him some of the
handsomeness of an Indian. His courtesy as he surrendered his
seat to the other customer suggested genuine friendliness toward
all mankind. His voice was noticeably resonant, masculine, and
warm. His pleasure in the attentions of the bootblack's whisk
reflected a consciousness about clothes unusual in a small-town
man. His manner as he bestowed a tip suggested generous good-nature,
a wish to give pleasure, based on physical well-being and sincere
kindliness of heart."
Not
only did Harding have the looks and the presence he also
had the bad-boy image. Gladwell writes, "Not especially intelligent.
Liked to play poker and to drink...and most of all, chase women;
his sexual appetites were the stuff of legend."
As
he rose from one office to the next he "never distinguished himself."
His speeches were vacuous. He had few ideas...and those that he
had were probably bad ones. Still, when Daughtery arranged for Harding
to speak to the 1916 Republican National Convention, he guessed
what might happen.
"There
is a man who looks like he should be president," the onlookers would
say. Later that day, in the smoke filled rooms of the Blackstone
Hotel in Chicago, the power brokers realized they had a problem.
Who could they find that none of them would object to? Well, there
was Harding!
"Harding
became President Harding," writes Gladwell. "He served two years
before dying unexpectedly of a stroke. He was, most historians agree,
one of the worst presidents in American history."
On
the surface, he sounds like one of the best. We have never heard
of anyone being arrested and charged under the "Harding Act." We
have never seen a building in Washington, or anywhere else, named
The Harding Building. We know of no wars the man caused. We recall
no government programs he set in motion.
As
far as we know, the nation and everyone in it was no better off
the day Warren Harding stepped into office than they were they day
he was carried out of it.
Harding
was a decent man of reasonable talents. He held poker games in the
White House twice a week. And whenever he got a chance, he sneaked
away to a burlesque show. These pastimes seemed enough for the man;
they helped him bear up in his eminent role...and keep him from
wanting to do anything. Another saving grace was that the president
neither thought nor spoke clearly enough for anyone to figure out
what he was talking about. He couldn't rally the troops...and get
them behind his ideas; he had none. And even if he tried, they wouldn't
understand him.
H.L.
Mencken preserved a bit of what he called "Gamalielese," just to
hold it up to ridicule:
"I
would like government to do all it can to mitigate, then, in understanding
in mutuality of interest, in concern for the common good, our tasks
will be solved."
The
sentence is so idiotic and meaningless; it could have come from
the mouth of our current president. But the crowds seemed to like
the way he delivered it. He said it with such solid conviction,
it "was like a blacksmith bringing down a hammer on an egg," says
Mencken.
Harding
was so full of such thunderous twaddle that he stormed into office...and
then drizzled away until he died. Bravo! Well done.
March
28, 2005
Bill
Bonner [send
him mail] is the author, with Addison Wiggin, of Financial
Reckoning Day: Surviving the Soft Depression of The 21st
Century.
Copyright
© 2005 LewRockwell.com
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