Public
Sector Unions
by
Walter
Block
by Walter Block
According
to our friends on the left, the reason we need unions is because
without them, employers would grind employees into the ground. Were
organized labor to disappear, wages would plummet; workers would
have to work on Sundays ("If you don’t come in Sunday, don’t
bother coming in Monday"), tip their hat to their bosses, and
suffer all sorts of other indignities, including losing virtually
all improvements in working conditions made over the last century.
Of
course, this is all wrong. Wages and working conditions are not
set by firms. Rather, they depend upon the productivity of labor,
more technically on the marginal revenue product of the worker.
This can be defined as the extra amount of revenue brought in by
adding one more person to the payroll. For example, if there were
1000 workers creating an item that sold for $x, and then the 1001st
employee came on board and the firms sales rose to $x + $7, then
the marginal revenue productivity of the last person hired would
be $7 per hour.
Wages
cannot long be higher than this amount, or the company will lose
money on every worker it hires. For example, if compensation is
$10, and revenue taken in due to the efforts of the worker is $7,
then the firm loses $3 every hour the man is on the shop floor.
On
the other hand, a situation cannot endure where wages are lower
than this amount. For example, suppose pay was $2 per hour, while
productivity remained at the $7 level we are considering. Then,
the employer would earn a pure profit of $5 every hour. This cannot
last for two reasons. First, other companies would have incentive
to hire such a worker away from his employer. Assuming that the
productivity of the latter would be the same $7 on the premises
of any member of the industry, a competitor could offer, say, $2.25.
This would be a substantial increase over and above the present
salary of $2, and yet would allow the newcomer to earn a profit
of $7$2.25 = $4.75. But if this would work, so would a bid
of $2.50, $2.75, $3.00, etc. Where would this process end? As near
to $7 as allowed by the costs of finding such "underpaid"
workers and convincing them to switch jobs for higher pay. Second,
workers talk to each other. An employee worth $7 but paid less than
that would be tempted to quit if he found out that his associates
at other stores or factories were earning more. Thus, wages for
workers of this skill level will tend to earn $7. This does not
mean that under free enterprise there will be no deviations from
this amount. There will be. The market is continually changing.
But there is an inexorable tendency for wages to continually move
in the direction of this equilibration.
If
wages were really set by employers, why is it that employees such
as Shaquille O’Neal, Brad Pitt, Brittney Spears and Bill Gates all
earn mega bucks? Generosity? No, the reason they do is because their
productivity (ability to fill seats in sports arenas, movie theaters,
concert halls in the case of the first three, and manage a large
company for the latter) is very, very high. Did their present employers
not pay them satisfactorily (that is, in accordance with productivity)
others would gladly jump in and do so.
When
unions artificially boost wages above this stipulated $7 productivity,
they look good in the short run. But in the long run they create
business failures and rust belts. Just as you cannot shove the water
in the bathtub in a downward direction without slopping some of
it out onto the floor, it is impossible for any substantial length
of time to maintain wages above productivity levels. (Actually,
the former is a mere physical impossibility; the latter, in addition,
violates the economic laws of logic, or praxeology.)
What
determines the level of productivity, and hence the wages that are
dependent upon it? This is based on how hard and how smart people
work, and the amount and sophistication of the tools and capital
equipment they are given by their employer to work with. This, in
turn, depends upon how much saving occurred in the previous periods,
and, even before that, how economically free and law abiding is
the populace. The more reliance on private property rights and free
enterprise, other things equal, the better in this regard.
If
organized labor is really the only institution that stands between
the workingman and abject poverty, how is it that real wages have
been increasing, while the rate of unionization has been declining
over the last half century (see table 1)? Why is it the some industries
that have never come within a million miles of unions (computers,
banking, accounting) pay very high wages, often in excess of that
earned by the rank and file? Given that they are at the mercy of
the capitalist pigs, should they not have been ground into the dust?
How can it be that the south, which is the least unionized part
of the country, is the fastest growing? In what way account for
the fact that countries where western style unionism is all but
unknown (Hong Kong, Singapore, Japan) are economic powerhouses,
with standards of living envied in many places on the globe?
Be
this as it may, it is all dismissed by professors, pundits and politicians
on the left side of the aisle. Let it never be said that the present
writer has no empathy for these sorts of people. In order to demonstrate
this, I shall now assume, arguendo, that everything the opponents
of free enterprise say about the employer’s relationship with the
employee is true. The former is a blood-sucker, always ready to
pounce on the hapless worker. The bosses have cash registers for
hearts, and dollar signs on their eyes; no pity for the downtrodden
masses ever bestirs them. Had they their way, and the situation
of the worker would be hopeless indeed.
As
part of this present touchy feely analysis of mine, I must also
acknowledge the benevolent role played by the government in labor
relations. Were it not for magnificent pro organized labor legislation
such as The Clayton Act, the Railway Labor Act, the Davis-Bacon
Act, the Norris-LaGuardia Act, National Industry Recovery Act, The
Wagner Act, The National Labor Relations Board Act, the Byrnes Anti-Strikebreaker
Law, the Walsh-Healy Act and Fair Labor Standards Act, the firm
would not have been taken down a peg or two, and the workers plight
would have been horrific.
Okay,
okay, enough with the economic illiteracy. Instead, let me ask proponents
of these sentiments just one single solitary question: if the government
is such a great institution, that totally eschews profiting from
the blood, sweat and toil of the working man, from whence comes
the justification of, wait for it, public sector unions? My point
here is that these sorts of labor organizations are simply incompatible
with the leftist case (articulated above) to the effect that the
capitalist is an exploiter, and that the government has rescued
the worker from the baleful influence of the corporation. If the
state is so wonderful as all that, why the need for a public sector
union, all of whose members have the benevolent government as their
boss?
Look
at table 2 accompanying this article. As can be clearly seen, if
present trends long continue, private sector unions will all but
disappear. The only thing propping up over all union membership
percentages are those organized against the government. Organized
against the government? That wonderful institution that protects
the working stiff from the evil capitalists? The one responsible
for the plethora of pro union legislation mentioned above? This
can only make sense to those entirely innocent not only of elementary
economic reasoning, but of basic logic as well. It is time, it is
long past time, for all public sector unions to be disbanded.
Or
is it?
Let
us turn to one last issue in conclusion. When a public sector union
(firemen, garbage men, post office workers, librarians, teachers,
bus drivers, civil servants, etc.) goes on strike, whom does the
libertarian favor? They are in effect both of them criminal gangs,
only one is usually far stronger than the other. One stance is,
at any given time, root for the weakest one. That virtually always
implies the public sector union. Of course, this means to the extent
the rooting is effective, higher wages, and ultimately an increase
in taxes will result. This can be obviated when the government bears
down and does not accede to the wishes of these labor organizations,
but the downside is that the state, the source of union power in
the first place, emerges even stronger. Perhaps the best reaction
is "A pox on both your houses." In which case it is unclear
we libertarians should champion an end to public sector unions.
But
what is crystal clear is that the existence of these labor organizations
cannot be reconciled with the usual leftist rhetoric about mean-spirited
private capitalists and benevolent politicians. Were this the case
socialists would defend private unions only. However, they of course
do not. This is yet one more bit of evidence attesting to their
irrationality.
Table
1.
|
U.S.
Union Membership, 1948-2004
|
|
(numbers
in thousands)
|
|
Year
|
%Workforce
|
Total
members
|
|
1948
|
31.8
|
14,271
|
|
1949
|
31.9
|
13,935
|
|
1950
|
31.6
|
14,294
|
|
1951
|
31.7
|
15,139
|
|
1952
|
32.0
|
15,632
|
|
1953
|
32.5
|
16,310
|
|
1954
|
32.3
|
15,808
|
|
1955
|
31.8
|
16,126
|
|
1956
|
31.4
|
16,446
|
|
1957
|
31.2
|
16,497
|
|
1958
|
30.3
|
15,570
|
|
1959
|
29.0
|
15,438
|
|
1960
|
28.6
|
15,516
|
|
1961
|
28.5
|
15,400
|
|
1962
|
30.4
|
16,893
|
|
1963
|
30.2
|
17,133
|
|
1964
|
30.2
|
17,597
|
|
1965
|
30.1
|
18,268
|
|
1966
|
29.6
|
18,922
|
|
1967
|
29.9
|
19,667
|
|
1968
|
29.5
|
20,017
|
|
1969
|
28.7
|
20,185
|
|
1970
|
29.6
|
20,990
|
|
1971
|
29.1
|
20,711
|
|
1972
|
28.8
|
21,205
|
|
1973
|
28.5
|
21,881
|
|
1974
|
28.3
|
22,165
|
|
1975
|
28.9
|
22,207
|
|
1976
|
27.9
|
22,153
|
|
1977
|
26.2
|
21,632
|
|
1978
|
25.1
|
21,756
|
|
1979
|
24.5
|
22,025
|
|
1980
|
23.2
|
20,968
|
|
1981
|
22.6
|
20,646
|
|
1982
|
21.9
|
19,571
|
|
1983
|
20.7
|
18,633
|
|
1984
|
18.8
|
17,340
|
|
1985
|
18.0
|
16,996
|
|
1986
|
17.5
|
16,975
|
|
1987
|
17.0
|
16,913
|
|
1988
|
16.8
|
17,002
|
|
1989
|
16.4
|
16,960
|
|
1990
|
16.1
|
16,740
|
|
1991
|
16.1
|
16,568
|
|
1992
|
15.8
|
16,390
|
|
1993
|
15.8
|
16,598
|
|
1994
|
15.5
|
16,748
|
|
1995
|
14.9
|
16,326
|
|
1996
|
14.5
|
16,269
|
|
1997
|
14.1
|
16,110
|
|
1998
|
13.9
|
16,211
|
|
1999
|
13.9
|
16,477
|
|
2000
|
13.5
|
16,258
|
|
2001
|
13.5
|
16,275
|
|
2002
|
13.3
|
16,146
|
|
2003
|
12.9
|
15,776
|
|
2004
|
12.5
|
15,472
|
Source:
http://www.laborresearch.org/charts.php?id=29
Table 2.
|
Percentage
of the labor force that is unionized
|
|
year
|
public
|
private
|
total
|
|
2004
|
36.4
|
7.9
|
12.5
|
|
2003
|
37.2
|
8.2
|
12.9
|
|
2002
|
37.5
|
8.5
|
13.3
|
|
2001
|
37.4
|
9.0
|
13.5
|
|
2000
|
37.5
|
9.0
|
13.5
|
|
1999
|
37.3
|
9.4
|
13.9
|
|
1998
|
37.5
|
9.5
|
13.9
|
|
1997
|
37.2
|
9.8
|
14.1
|
|
1996
|
37.7
|
10.2
|
14.5
|
|
1995
|
37.5
|
10.4
|
14.9
|
|
1994
|
38.7
|
10.9
|
15.5
|
|
1993
|
37.7
|
11.2
|
15.8
|
|
1992
|
36.7
|
- |
15.8
|
Sources:
September
14, 2005
Dr.
Block [send him mail]
is a professor of economics at Loyola University New Orleans. He
is the author of Defending
the Undefendable.
Copyright
© 2005 LewRockwell.com
Walter
Block Archives
|