The
Libertarian Case For Drug Prohibition
by
Walter Block
Ok,
ok, already, hold onto your horses. I have not given up on libertarianism.
Nor have I finally, and completely, succumbed to Alzheimer’s disease.
It is just that since all of us who favor economic freedom oppose
drug prohibition, the contentious part of my personality naturally
looks around for reasons on the other side of this debate.
That,
plus the fact that I had the unfortunate experience at a recent
conference I attended of hearing a supposed libertarian "defend"
drug legalization; he did so in such a manner that I didn’t have
to be particularly quarrelsome or defensive about libertarianism
to oppose him. Moreover, the fact that this seminar was constructed
in such a manner that I was not able to publicly criticize the outrageous
case he offered made it all the more important that I somehow get
this off my chest. You, gentle reader, will have to stand in for
the audience I might have otherwise addressed.
So,
what are the reasons, in general, for maintaining the status quo
regarding the prohibition of addictive substances?
1.
Without this law, our movies, television programming, plays, novels
and other vehicles of story telling would be much less enriched
than now they are. Award winning television series such as Law and
Order and The Sopranos would be particularly hard hit by repeal.
It is an exaggeration to say that programming of this ilk contains
nothing but this motif, but not by much. Surely, at least
half of the themes explored in the cops and robbers genre depend
upon the fact that there is a black market in marijuana, cocaine
and heroin.
2.
Were addictive materials to be legalized a whole host of jobs would
be lost. (Look, I said I would give reasons in support of
prohibition; I did not say I would give good ones in this
regard. As far as I am concerned, there are no good reasons.
I am willing to defend the "undefendable," but this is
not undefendable.) We are talking, here, about judges, policemen,
jail guards, social workers, lawyers, district attorneys, social
workers, psychologists, munitions makers, small planes and boats,
etc. bloody etc. Could it be that one of the strongest reasons for
the retention of this horrid law is this self same fact? I wonder.
Not, of course, that jobs are needed. That is the unfortunate legacy
of Keynes and Keynesianism. As every Austrian from Mises to Hazlitt
to Rothbard has shown, it is not rational to create jobs merely
for the sake of creating jobs. We could all be employed digging
ditches and filling them in again, and would starve as a result.
No, the whole point of jobs is to create goods and services of value,
and the ones that come about as a result of drug prohibition hardly
qualify.
What,
then, are the obnoxious reasons offered by this "libertarian"
in behalf of drug legalization?
3.
The present drug laws bring about a general disrespect for law and
order, and this is something to be greatly regretted. But this is
highly problematic from the libertarian perspective. Thousands?
Tens of thousands? Hundreds of thousands? But how many laws are
there today? This is hard to determine. Probably no one knows to
an exactitude, even as of any given date (there are new ones coming
on board every day). It depends upon whether or not administrative
decisions should be counted; and why not? If so, laws presumably
number in the millions. Literally.
And,
of these, how many are good laws, e.g., enactments compatible
with the libertarian axiom of non-aggression? Well, let’s see. There
are laws against murder, theft, trespass, fraud, kidnapping, assault
and battery, rape… I am quickly running out of examples. Well, I
suppose we can pick up a few more, possibly, from the Ten Commandments;
and defense of contracts from the civil law. But that is about it.
So,
it is pro libertarian to promote a general respect for law? Hardly.
Virtually all law is bad law. Only an infinitesimal percentage
of all law is good law. Respecting law in general, then, is to promote
evil. How, then, are we to regard favoring the repeal of drug laws
on the ground that they reduce respect for law in general? Whatever
else may be said about this contention, it cannot be claimed that
it is compatible with libertarianism.
4.
The economist goes on and on, ad nauseum, about how he as an economist
needs data for public policy analysis. Without data, he never tires
of telling us, it is impossible to make an informed decision as
to whether or not addictive substances should be legalized.
But
this is stuff and nonsense. Whether or not drugs should be prohibited
by law is a matter of normative economics. Data, in stark
contrast, is part and parcel of positive economics. To be
sure, in some moral systems, e.g., utilitarianism, the latter is
not irrelevant to the former. But for the deontological libertarian,
it comes down to a matter of rights. Does the (adult) individual
have to right to inject into his body whatever he pleases, harmful
or not? And the answer is, of course he does.
It
is more than passing curious that this economics professor, after
recounting the necessity of data, and bewailing its absence, nevertheless
takes the pro-legalization side of this debate. Perhaps the statistics
are not that necessary after all.
5.
According to the speaker at this conference I am criticizing, the
market price of a pound of marijuana is presently about $3,000.
He estimates that the total costs under legalization would be something
of the order of $3 per pound. Thus, the profit (plus the black market
costs, given that this market is illegal) amount to some $2,997,
or 99.9% of the total.
This
speaker "doesn’t like" the people who are presently enjoying
this differential. He favors legalization, so that they will no
longer have access to these funds. He full well realizes that when
and if the government legalizes this product, it will tax the stuffing
out of it, just as it presently does in the cases of booze and tobacco.
He offers as yet another reason for legalizing marijuana that this
will, in one fell swoop, take the profits away from the present
producers.
Now
I full well sympathize with this professor’s assessment of your
typical denizen of the drug market. He is mean and vicious, fully
willing and able to use violence against police, competitors, sometimes
even customers. It is thanks to him and his confreres that we have
a new word to describe innocent victims of drug gang warfare: "mushrooms."
His product is oft-time poisonous, and the dosage uncertain. These
are altogether a pretty despicable lot of people. Of course, as
is well known in the libertarian community, these characteristics
stem, entirely, from the illegal status of drugs. During alcohol
prohibition, the proprietors were similar to today’s drug dealers.
Nowadays, under legalization of beer, wine and liquor, the purveyors
are indistinguishable from those who manufacture cheese or chalk.
However,
with whom are we comparing these very bad people? (Typical economist’s
joke; question: "How’s your wife?" answer: "Compared
to whom?") Answer: we are comparing them with the government!
How many innocent people have all the drug gangs in the world murdered?
A couple of hundred? A couple of thousand? A few tens of thousands?
In contrast, according to R. J. Rummel, Death
By Government (New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction, 1996), governments
are responsible for killing no fewer than about 170 million of their
own residents and citizens in the 20th century; we are
talking non-combatants here. This economist wants data? Here is
data. What can we say about the moral status of a commentator who
favors a public policy (partially) on the ground that a gang responsible
for a relative handful of deaths will be deprived of financial resources,
and that they will be given over to a different gang of people who
have killed millions?
Yes,
by all means, let us legalize drugs. (I told you I’m still a libertarian).
And, perhaps, our plays and movies will be less dramatic. But there
will be no gain from decriminalization concerning jobs, or respect
for law, or better allocation of funds from drug gang to government
gang.
July
12, 2002
Dr.
Block [send him mail]
is a professors of economics at Loyola University New Orleans.
Copyright
© 2002 LewRockwell.com
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