You Belong to Us
by Thomas E. Woods, Jr.
by Thomas E. Woods, Jr.
DIGG THIS
In late 2007,
Richard Stengel wrote a cover story for Time magazine calling
for a massive national service program to be imposed on American
young people. If you’d like to read it, knock
yourself out. Someone probably needs to smash it, but the avalanche
of propaganda and nationalism you’ll find there was too demoralizing
for me to attempt it. The very idea that helping someone in your
neighborhood should be called "service to the nation"
should be spooky and Orwellian enough, but for many people I guess
it isn’t.
One thing
I couldn’t get out of my head, even though it’s not by any means
the weirdest aspect of the program, is Stengel’s proposal for a
Cabinet-level Department of National Service. I think it was this
piece of advice that struck me the most: "And don’t appoint
a gray bureaucrat to this job; make it someone like Arnold Schwarzenegger
or Mike Bloomberg, who would capture the imagination of the public."
Translation:
the American people, too stupid to engage in government-approved
service projects without being prodded by their betters, need a
crowd-pleasing Hollywood actor to rouse them to action. Bloomberg,
possibly the dullest human being in public life, would be a better
choice than Schwarzenegger from my point of view: the American people
would barely be able to keep awake through one of his droning appeals.
The issue has
become especially important because Democratic nominee Barack Obama
has embraced national service as a priority of his presidency should
he win. Obama would not directly impose forced labor on young people,
but would instead withhold educational funds from them and their
institutions if they fail to comply. (Yes, they shouldn’t be taking
these funds in the first place, but there is something sinister
in Obama’s program all the same.) We should, he says, "set
a goal for all American middle and high school students to perform
50 hours of service a year, and for all college students to perform
100 hours of service a year."
That’s not
quite Stengel’s proposed year to which morose and resentful
young people would be sentenced to "volunteer" against
their will, but it’s a start, and federal programs don’t exactly
have a record of contracting once they get off the ground.
This is
not just an Obama problem; Republican John McCain supports "volunteerism"
funded by Washington, and just about everyone believes in the federal
government’s power to conscript Americans into the armed forces.
One way or another, whether it’s the empire’s welfare or warfare
division, they have no compunctions about making you do what they
want.
Not
that anyone cares, but just where in the Constitution (that some
people laughingly pretend limits Washington’s power) is there mention
of a power to drive American citizens into involuntary service to
the federal government? Kevin Gutzman and I ask the question in
our new book, Who
Killed the Constitution? The point of our book is not so
much to wring our hands over the poor Constitution and dream about
how wonderful it would be to return to it (as much of an improvement
as that would surely be). The point, as in this example, is to show
how government really works, in contrast to the pristine model kids
learn in "social studies." Alleged restrictions like the
Constitution pose no restraints on government at all, which merely
interprets them out of existence. This process is not only fascinating
in its own right, but it also speaks volumes about the nature of
government, which is why we wrote a book about it.
For example,
the Thirteenth Amendment seems clear enough:
Section 1.
Neither slavery nor involuntary servitude, except as a punishment
for crime whereof the party shall have been duly convicted, shall
exist within the United States, or any place subject to their
jurisdiction.
Section 2.
Congress shall have power to enforce this article by appropriate
legislation.
Very simple:
there can be no involuntary servitude in the United States except
in the case of those convicted of crimes. Right?
Let’s see
what happened when the Supreme Court finally took up the issue.
Although Chief Justice Roger Taney had written a memorandum on the
subject in 1863, dismantling the government’s case for conscription
point by point before the future Thirteenth Amendment had even been
drafted, it was not until what became known as the Selective
Draft Law Cases of 1917 that the Court took up the question
formally. The defendants in these cases had refused to present themselves
for the draft, enacted by the Conscription Act of 1917, when President
Woodrow Wilson called on them to do so. They asserted that the draft
law was unconstitutional on various grounds, among them that the
Constitution had not given Congress a draft power. Lower courts
upheld their convictions.
Chief Justice
Edward White’s views on the subject were relatively unsurprising.
"As the mind cannot conceive an army without the men to compose
it," he wrote, "on the face of the Constitution, the objection
that it does not give power to provide for such men would seem to
be too frivolous for further notice." So if government has
the power to raise armies, it therefore has the power to raise them
by any means whatever, including by forcing people to serve. (I
guess that falls under the "necessary and proper" clause.)
White pointed
to "the almost universal legislation" allowing conscription
around the world as evidence against the claim that the U.S. government
lacked this power. He provided citations to the draft laws recently
in effect in Argentina, the Austro-Hungarian Empire, the Belgian
Empire, Brazil, the Bulgarian monarchy, Bolivia, Colombia, Chile,
the Chinese Empire, the Danish monarchy, Ecuador, the French Empire,
the Greek monarchy, the German Empire, Guatemala, Honduras, the
Italian monarchy, the Japanese Empire, Mexico, the Yugoslav monarchy,
the Dutch Empire, Nicaragua, the Norwegian monarchy, Peru, the Portuguese
monarchy, the Rumanian monarchy, the Russian Empire, the Siamese
monarchy, the Spanish Empire, Switzerland, El Salvador, the Ottoman
Empire, Canada, and South Africa. In short, the examples of Asian
and European imperial republics (such as France) and monarchies
of various stripes, South Africa, Switzerland, the Windsor Dominion
of Canada, and a number of Latin American banana republics were
marshaled by Chief Justice White to disprove the assertion that
Americans were supposed to be free.
Daniel Webster,
speaking half a century before the Thirteenth Amendment was added
to the Constitution, argued in a memorable speech for the unconstitutionality
of the draft:
Is this the
real character of our Constitution? No, sir, indeed it is
not. The Constitution is libeled. The people of this
country have not established for themselves such a fabric of despotism.
They have not purchased at a vast expense of their own treasure
and their own blood a Magna Carta to be slaves. Where is
it written in the Constitution, in what article or section is
it contained, that you may take children from their parents, and
parents from their children, and compel them to fight the battles
of any war in which the folly or the wickedness of government
may engage it? Under what concealment has this power lain
hidden which now for the first time comes forth, with a tremendous
and baleful aspect, to trample down and destroy the dearest rights
of personal liberty? Who will show me any Constitutional
injunction which makes it the duty of the American people to surrender
everything valuable in life, and even life itself, not when the
safety of their country and its liberties may demand the sacrifice,
but whenever the purposes of an ambitious and mischievous government
may require it? Sir, I almost disdain to go to quotations
and references to prove that such an abominable doctrine has no
foundation in the Constitution of the country. It is enough
to know that that instrument was intended as the basis of a free
government, and that the power contended for is incompatible with
any notion of personal liberty.
That’s not
quite what the Supreme Court would say, just over a century later,
in the Selective Draft Law Cases. There, the possibility
that anyone could describe forced labor in the service of the central
state’s military ambitions as involuntary servitude is indignantly
dismissed without even the pretense of an argument. That is, unless
you consider this an argument: it’s an honor to serve the
government, and an honor cannot be involuntary servitude. It is
a "supreme and noble duty" to fight what Daniel Webster
called "the battles of any war in which the folly or wickedness
of government may engage," so we’ll have none of this Thirteenth
Amendment nonsense!
Here are Chief
Justice White’s exact words:
Finally,
as we are unable to conceive upon what theory the exaction by
government from the citizen of the performance of his supreme
and noble duty of contributing to the defense of the rights and
honor of the nation as the result of a war declared by the great
representative body of the people can be said to be the imposition
of involuntary servitude in violation of the prohibitions of the
Thirteenth Amendment, we are constrained to the conclusion that
the contention to that effect is refuted by its mere statement.
So Justice
White is so appalled by the comparison of conscription to involuntary
servitude that he declares, without argument, that it refutes itself.
Well, that’s all I need to hear. The defendants must have marched
out of the courtroom in shame when they heard that.
As usual, Ron
Paul gets to the heart of things: "Young people are not raw
material to be employed by the political class on behalf of whatever
fashionable political, military, or social cause catches its fancy.
In a free society, their lives are not the playthings of government."
No kind of
conscription, whether on behalf of the welfare or the warfare sectors
of the imperial capital, can be reconciled with freedom. Nor can
it be reconciled with the Constitution. But those who govern us
laugh with contempt at such arguments. And yet Americans persist
in the delusion that they have a Constitution that limits their
government. There is something deeply pathological about this. What
else can be said?
August
11, 2008
Thomas
E. Woods, Jr. [view his
website; send
him mail] is senior fellow in American history at the
Ludwig von Mises Institute
and the author, most recently, of Who
Killed the Constitution? The Fate of American Liberty from World
War I to George W. Bush (with Kevin R.C. Gutzman), Sacred
Then and Sacred Now: The Return of the Old Latin Mass and
33
Questions About American History You’re Not Supposed to Ask.
His other books include How
the Catholic Church Built Western Civilization (get a free chapter
here),
The
Church and the Market: A Catholic Defense of the Free Economy
(first-place winner in the 2006
Templeton Enterprise Awards), and the New York Times
bestseller The
Politically Incorrect Guide to American History.
Copyright
© 2008 LewRockwell.com
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