A
Gift From the Middle Ages
by
Thomas E. Woods, Jr.
by Thomas E. Woods, Jr.
It
must be frustrating to be a historian of medieval Europe. No matter
how many books you write, lectures you deliver, or students you
influence, everyone still thinks the Middle Ages were a period of
darkness and stagnation. The substantial output of medieval scholarship
that was produced in the twentieth century should have put this
inane caricature to rest once and for all, but here we have another
case of specialized knowledge that hasn’t managed to trickle down
to the general public.
It
was, after all, in the High Middle Ages that the university came
into existence. The university, which developed and matured at the
height of Catholic Europe, was a new phenomenon in European history.
Nothing like it had existed in ancient Greece or Rome. The institution
that we recognize today, with its faculties, courses of study, examinations,
and degrees, as well as the familiar distinction between undergraduate
and graduate study, comes to us directly from the medieval world.
And it is no surprise that the Church should have done so much to
foster the nascent university system since, according to historian
Lowrie Daly, it was "the only institution in Europe that showed
consistent interest in the preservation and cultivation of knowledge."
The
precise origins of the very first universities are lost in obscurity,
though the picture becomes ever clearer as we move into the thirteenth
century. We cannot give exact dates for the appearance of universities
at Paris and Bologna, Oxford and Cambridge, since they evolved over
a period of time – the former beginning as cathedral schools, and
the latter as informal gatherings of masters and students. But we
may safely say that the process occurred during the latter half
of the twelfth century.
In
order to identify a particular medieval school as a university,
we look for certain characteristic features. For one thing, a university
possessed a core of required texts, on which professors would lecture
and to which they would add their own insights. A university was
also characterized by well-defined academic programs lasting a more
or less fixed number of years, as well as by the granting of degrees.
The granting of a degree, since it entitled the recipient to be
called master, amounted to admitting new people to the teaching
guild. Although the universities often struggled with outside authorities
for self-government, they generally attained it. They also desired
and received legal recognition as a corporation.
The
papacy played a central if not exclusive role in the establishment
and encouragement of the universities. Naturally, the granting of
a charter to a university was one indication of this papal role.
Some 81 universities had been established by the time of the Reformation.
Of these 33 possessed a papal charter, 15 a royal or imperial one,
20 possessed both, and 13 had none. In addition, it was the accepted
view that a university could not award degrees without the approbation
of pope, king, or emperor. Pope Innocent IV officially granted this
privilege to Oxford University, for example, in 1254. The pope (in
fact) and the emperor (in theory) possessed authority over all of
Christendom, and for this reason it was to them that a university
typically had to turn for the right to issue degrees. Equipped with
the approval of one or the other of these universal figures, the
university’s degrees would be respected throughout all of Christendom.
Degrees awarded only by the approval of national monarchs, on the
other hand, were considered valid only in the kingdom in which they
were issued.
In
certain cases, including in particular the universities at Bologna,
Oxford, and Paris, the master’s degree entitled the bearer to teach
anywhere in the world (ius ubique docendi). It was in Pope
Gregory IX’s document pertaining to the University of Toulouse in
1233 where we first see the formula, and this document became a
model for the future. The idea was that such scholars could freely
join other faculties in western Europe, though in practice each
institution preferred to examine the candidate itself before admitting
him. Still, this privilege, conferred by the popes, doubtless played
a significant role in encouraging the dissemination of knowledge
and fostering the idea of an international scholarly community.
The
papal role was not confined to these matters, but extended to a
great many others as well. A glance at the history of the medieval
university reveals that conflicts between the university and the
people or government of the area were not uncommon. Local townsmen
were frequently ambivalent in their posture toward university students:
on the one hand, the existence of the university was a boon for
local merchants and for economic activity in general since the students
brought money to spend, but on the other, university students then
as now could be irresponsible and unruly. As a modern commentator
puts it, inhabitants of medieval university towns loved the money
but hated the students. As a result, students and their professors
were often heard to complain about the treatment they received.
In
this atmosphere, the Church provided special protection to university
students by offering them what was known as benefit of clergy. Clergymen
in medieval Europe enjoyed a special legal status in that, first,
it was an extraordinarily serious crime to lay a hand on them, and
second, they had the right to have their cases heard in an ecclesiastical
rather than a secular court. University students, as actual or potential
clerical candidates, would also enjoy these privileges. Secular
rulers often extended similar protections – as when, in 1200, Philip
Augustus of France granted and confirmed such privileges to students
of the University of Paris, permitting them to have their cases
heard in what would certainly be a more sympathetic court than that
of the local town.
The
popes intervened on behalf of the university on numerous occasions,
as when Pope Honorius III (121627) sided with the scholars
at Bologna in 1220 against infringements on their liberties. When
the chancellor of Paris insisted on an oath of loyalty to himself
personally, Pope Innocent III (11981216) intervened. Later,
when the Bishop of Paris and the chancellor of the university continued
to encroach upon the institutional autonomy of the institution,
it was the Pope, Gregory IX, who in 1231 issued the bull Parens
Scientiarum on behalf of the masters of Paris. In this document
the Pope effectively granted the University of Paris the right to
self-government, whereby it could make its own rules pertaining
to courses and studies. The Pope also granted the university a separate
papal jurisdiction, thus emancipating the institution from the interference
of what had been an overbearing diocesan authority. "With this
document," writes one scholar, "the university comes of
age and appears in legal history as a fully formed intellectual
corporation for the advancement and training of scholars."
The papacy, writes another, "has to be considered a major force
in shaping the autonomy of the Paris guild [i.e., the organized
body of scholars at Paris]."
In
that same document, the Pope also granted a privilege known as cessatio
– the right of the university to suspend its lectures and to go
on a general strike. Just cause included such grounds as "refusal
of the right to fix ceiling prices for lodgings, an injury or mutilation
of a student for which suitable satisfaction had not been given
within fifteen days, [or] the unlawful imprisonment of a student."
By supporting the universities in their right to suspend lectures
and stating reasons that would constitute adequate justification
for so doing, the Pope made an important contribution to the cultivation
of the kind of peaceful and settled environment that conduces to
scholarship and learning.
It
became common for universities to bring their grievances to the
Pope in Rome. On several occasions, the pope even intervened to
force university authorities to pay professors their salaries; Popes
Boniface VIII, Clement V, Clement VI, and Gregory IX all had to
take such measures. Little wonder, then, that one historian has
declared that the universities’ "most consistent and greatest
protector was the Pope of Rome. He it was who granted, increased,
and protected their privileged status in a world of often conflicting
jurisdictions."
At
these great institutions students studied not only many of the standard
liberal arts disciplines but also civil and canon law, natural philosophy,
medicine, and theology. As the universities took shape in the twelfth
century they were the happy beneficiaries of the fruits of what
some scholars have called the renaissance of the twelfth century.
Massive translation work brought forth many of the great works of
the ancient world that had been lost to Western scholarship for
too many centuries, including the geometry of Euclid, the logic,
metaphysics, natural philosophy, and ethics of Aristotle, and the
medical work of Galen. Legal studies began to flourish as well,
particularly at Bologna, when the Digest, the key component
of the sixth-century Emperor Justinian’s Corpus Juris Civilis
(a compendium of Roman law, much admired from its origins to the
present day), was rediscovered.
The
distinction between undergraduate and graduate education was made
in the early universities more or less as it is today. And as today,
some places were especially known for academic distinction in particular
subject areas – Bologna thus became renowned for the graduate study
of law, as did Paris in theology and the arts.
The
undergraduate, or artist (that is, a student of the liberal arts),
attended lectures, took part in occasional disputations in class,
and attended the formal disputations of others. His professors –
or masters, as they were known – typically lectured on an important
text, often drawn from classical antiquity. There was heavy emphasis
on Aristotle. Alongside their commentaries on these ancient texts,
professors gradually began to include a series of questions to be
resolved through logical argument. Over time, the questions essentially
displaced the commentaries. Here was the origin of the question
method of scholastic argument, of the kind found in St. Thomas Aquinas’
Summa Theologiae.
Such
questions were also posed in what was known as the ordinary disputation.
The master would assign students to argue one or the other side
of a question. When their interaction had ceased, it was then up
to the master to "determine," or resolve, the question.
To obtain the Bachelor of Arts degree, a student was expected to
determine a question by himself to the satisfaction of the faculty.
(Before being permitted to do so, however, he had to prove that
he possessed adequate preparation and was fit to be evaluated.)
This kind of emphasis on careful argument, on marshaling a persuasive
case for each side of a question, and on resolving a dispute by
means of rational tools sounds something like the opposite of the
intellectual life that most people associate with medieval man.
But that was how the degree-granting process operated. (I myself
have taken mischievous delight at imagining poor Messrs. Knight
and Lomas trying to defend their anti-Catholic nonsense before an
audience of true scholars.)
Once
the student had determined, therefore, he was awarded the
Bachelor of Arts degree. The process would typically take four to
five years. At that point, the student could simply declare his
education completed, as most bachelors of arts do today, and look
for remunerative work (even as a teacher, perhaps in some of the
lesser schools of Europe) or decide to continue his studies and
pursue a graduate degree. The so-called master’s degree, to which
satisfactory completion of his graduate study entitled him, would
render him qualified to teach within the university system.
In
order to begin further studies on the road to becoming a qualified
teacher, or simply to pursuing desirable posts in civil or ecclesiastical
service, the prospective master had to demonstrate competence within
the canon of important works of Western civilization. This was before
he petitioned for his license to teach, or licentiate, which was
awarded between the bachelor’s and master’s degrees. We get some
idea of the advanced student’s background from a modern historian’s
overview of texts with which that student was expected to be familiar:
After his
bachelorship, and before he petitioned for his license to teach,
the student must have "heard at Paris or in another university"
the following Aristotelian works: Physics,
On
Generation and Corruption, On
the Heavens, and the Parva Naturalia; namely, the
treatises of Aristotle On Sense and Sensation, On Waking
and Sleeping, On Memory and Remembering, On the
Length and Shortness of Life. He must also have heard (or
have plans to hear) On
the Metaphysics, and have attended lectures on the mathematical
books. [Historian Hastings] Rashdall, when speaking of the Oxford
curriculum, gives the following list of works, to be read by the
bachelor between the period of his determination and his inception
(mastership): books on the liberal arts: in grammar, Priscian;
in rhetoric, Aristotle’s Rhetoric
(three terms), or the Topics of Boethius (bk. iv.), or
Cicero’s Nova Rhetorica or Ovid’s Metamorphoses
or Poetria Virgilii; in logic, Aristotle’s De
Interpretatione (three terms) or Boethius’ Topics
(bks. 13) or the Prior
Analytics or Topics
(Aristotle); in arithmetic and in music, Boethius; in geometry,
Euclid, Alhacen, or Vitellio, Perspectiva; in astronomy,
Theorica Planetarum (two terms), or Ptolemy, Almagesta.
In natural philosophy the additional works are: the Physics
or On the Heavens (three terms) or On the Properties
of the Elements or the Meteorics or On Vegetables
and Plants or On
the Soul or On
Animals or any of the Parva naturalia; in moral
philosophy, the Ethics or Economics
or Politics
of Aristotle for three terms, and in metaphysics, the Metaphysics
for two terms or for three terms if the candidate had not determined.
The
process for acquiring the licentiate generally consisted of another
demonstration of knowledge and a commitment to certain principles
of university life. Once this process was complete, the license
was officially awarded. At Ste. Geneviève, the person to
be licensed knelt in front of the vice-chancellor, who said:
I, by the
authority vested in me by the apostles Peter and Paul, give you
the license for lecturing, reading, disputing, and determining
and for exercising other scholastic and magisterial acts both
in the faculty of arts at Paris and elsewhere, in the name of
the Father and of the Son and of the Holy Ghost, Amen.
The
precise length of time that typically passed between reception of
the licentiate and reception of the master’s degree (which apparently
required knowledge of a wider array of books) is difficult to determine,
but one reasonable estimate is that it ranged between six months
and three years. One candidate, who had perhaps already read all
the required books, is recorded as having received both distinctions
on the same day.
The
university and the intellectual life it fostered played an indispensable
role in Western civilization. Christopher Dawson observed that from
the days of the earliest universities "the higher studies were
dominated by the technique of logical discussion the quaestio
and the public disputation which so largely determined the form
of medieval philosophy even in its greatest representatives. ‘Nothing,’
says Robert of Sorbonne, ‘is known perfectly which has not been
masticated by the teeth of disputation,’ and the tendency to submit
every question, from the most obvious to the most abstruse, to this
process of mastication not only encouraged readiness of wit and
exactness of thought but above all developed that spirit of criticism
and methodic doubt to which Western culture and science have owed
so much."
According
to historian of science Edward Grant, the creation of the university,
the commitment to reason and rational argument, and the overall
spirit of inquiry that characterized medieval intellectual life
amounted to "a gift from the Latin Middle Ages to the modern
world…though it is a gift that may never be acknowledged. Perhaps
it will always retain the status it has had for the past four centuries
as the best-kept secret of Western civilization."
May
16, 2005
Professor
Thomas E. Woods, Jr. [send
him mail] holds a bachelor’s degree in history from Harvard
and his Ph.D. from Columbia. His books include the New York
Times (and LRC) bestseller The
Politically Incorrect Guide to American History, The
Church and the Market: A Catholic Defense of the Free Economy,
and the just-released How
the Catholic Church Built Western Civilization.
Thomas
Woods Archives
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