Einstein, Russell, and the Bomb: The 50th Anniversary
by
Lawrence S. Wittner
by Lawrence S. Wittner
July
9, 2005 will be the fiftieth anniversary of one of the most important
statements ever issued about the threat posed by nuclear weapons
to human survival. Usually referred to as the Russell-Einstein
Manifesto, it was initiated by Bertrand Russell, the famed mathematician
and philosopher, and Albert Einstein, the world's best-known scientist.
After the annihilation of Japanese cities with atomic bombs in August
1945, both Russell and Einstein had warned the world of the enormous
dangers of the new weapons. Nevertheless, by the mid-1950s, the
rampaging Cold War produced an even more ominous situation: a Soviet-American
confrontation, in which both sides were armed with the hydrogen
bomb, a thermonuclear weapon possessing a thousand times the power
of the bomb that destroyed Hiroshima. The Cold War competitors displayed
little hesitation about integrating the new weapons into their war
plans. Nuclear weapons, President Eisenhower declared publicly,
should "be used just exactly as you would use a bullet or anything
else."
Taking note of this perilous situation, Russell wrote to Einstein
on February 11, 1955, suggesting that "eminent men of science
ought to do something dramatic to bring home to the public and governments
the disasters that may occur." It was necessary "to emphasize
. . . that war may well mean the extinction of life on this planet"
and, consequently, that in the nuclear age, nations must learn to
live in peace. In response, Einstein said that he agreed "with
every word" in Russell's letter. Something had to be done to
"make an impression on the general public as well as on political
leaders." As a result, Russell drafted a statement that he
circulated among a distinguished group of scientists in the hope
of their joining him in signing it.
This proved a difficult task. In the Cold War context, it was not
easy to get such intellectuals to ignore their political differences
and to focus on the common interests of humanity. Indeed, scientists
in the Soviet Union and China refused to sign the statement. Furthermore,
after a short illness, Einstein died on April 13.
Nevertheless, in one of the last acts taken before his death, Einstein
sent a letter to Russell saying that he had agreed to become a signatory.
And, eventually, Russell lined up nine other eminent scientists:
Percy Bridgman, Hermann Muller, and Linus Pauling of the United
States; Cecil Powell and Joseph Rotblat of Britain; Hideki Yukawa
of Japan; Frédéric Joliot-Curie of France; Max Born
of West Germany; and Leopold Infeld of Poland.
On July 9, 1955, addressing a public meeting in London jammed with
representatives of the mass media, Russell unveiled what became
known as the Russell-Einstein Manifesto. "We are speaking on
this occasion, not as members of this or that nation, continent,
or creed, but as human beings . . . whose continued existence is
in doubt," it declared. In the context of the Bomb, "we
have to learn to think in a new way. We have to learn to ask ourselves,
not what steps can be taken to give military victory to whatever
groups we prefer, for there no longer are such steps." Instead,
people must ask: "What steps can be taken to prevent a military
contest" which would "be disastrous to all parties?"
The question confronting the world was: "Shall we put an end
to the human race; or shall mankind renounce war?" And a good
"first step" along the way to ending war would be to "renounce
nuclear weapons." The Manifesto concluded: "We appeal
as human beings to human beings: Remember your humanity, and forget
the rest."
The reaction to this bold, uncompromising statement was surprisingly
positive. Initially skeptical, the press ultimately treated it favorably,
in part because of the dramatic news of Einstein's deathbed endorsement.
Around the world, scientists and other intellectuals sprang into
action. Among them was the Soviet physicist Andrei Sakharov, who
began his heroic campaign to halt the nuclear arms race and the
Cold War. Around the world, citizens organized Ban-the-Bomb movements,
including America's National Committee for a Sane Nuclear Policy
(SANE) and Britain's Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament.
The signers of the Russell-Einstein Manifesto played important roles
in the burgeoning campaign. Organized by Max Born, a group of 52
Nobel laureates in the sciences signed the Mainau Declaration, calling
upon nations to "renounce force as a final resort of policy"
or face the prospect of utter destruction. Together with Rotblat,
Russell launched the Pugwash movement, drawing on scientists from
both sides of the Iron Curtain to discuss the feasibility of nuclear
arms control and disarmament. Rotblat and Pugwash went on to lay
the groundwork for the Partial Test Ban Treaty (for which Rotblat
was knighted by the British government). Both later received the
Nobel Peace Prize. Speaking at the opening meeting of the Campaign
for Nuclear Disarmament, Russell subsequently became its first president.
Muller issued powerful warnings about the harmful genetic effects
of radioactivity. Pauling rallied scientists in the United States
and, later, the world against nuclear testing, thereby becoming
a thorn in the side of the Eisenhower administration and yet another
recipient of the Nobel Peace Prize.
The Russell-Einstein Manifesto also affected policymakers. In large
part, its impact was indirect, for it was the antinuclear campaign
and the antinuclear opinion that it generated which helped to reshape
their policy. Faced with strong popular resistance to nuclear testing,
Eisenhower agreed reluctantly to a nuclear testing moratorium in
1958. Besieged by protests against nuclear testing and nuclear weapons,
Kennedy drew back from atmospheric testing and tapped the founder
and co-chair of SANE, Norman Cousins, as his test ban emissary to
Khrushchev.
But sometimes the effects were more direct. Mikhail Gorbachev clearly
drew his cherished concept of "new thinking" from the
Manifesto. "The nuclear era requires new thinking from everybody,"
he told Francois Mitterrand. Or, as he stated in his book Perestroika:
"All of us face the need to learn to live at peace in this
world, to work out a new mode of thinking." And "the backbone
of the new way of thinking is the recognition of the priority of
human values, or, to be more precise, of humankind's survival."
Gorbachev's choice for Soviet foreign secretary, his fellow party
reformer Eduard Shevardnadze, recalled that "the Russell-Einstein
Manifesto offered politicians the key to the most troublesome and
complex riddles of the age." According to Georgi Arbatov, another
of Gorbachev's top foreign policy advisors, major ideas for the
new thinking "originated . . . outside the Soviet Union,"
with Einstein and Russell.
Today,
fifty years after the issuance of the Russell-Einstein Manifesto,
it should not take the world's greatest scientist or philosopher
to see that, in a world crammed with nuclear and other devastating
weapons, resorting to war is an immensely dangerous and destructive
act. Nor should it be difficult to see that the world would be a
safer place with fewer nuclear weapons rather than with more of
them. Yet, somehow, leaders of supposedly advanced, civilized nations—including
the United States continue to go right ahead laying plans for building
up their nuclear arsenals and plunging their countries into dubious
battle, as if their soldiers were armed with sticks rather than
with the deadliest, most destructive devices in human history. It
is one of the tragedies of our time that, despite all the scientific,
technological, and cultural advances over the centuries, so many
nations are governed today by people with primitive values and limited
intelligence.
July
6, 2005
Lawrence
S. Wittner [send him mail]
is Professor of History at the State University of New York/Albany.
His latest book is Toward
Nuclear Abolition: A History of the World Nuclear Disarmament Movement,
1971 to the Present (Stanford University Press).
This
article originally appeared on the History
News Network.
Copyright
© 2005 History News Network. Reprinted
with author's permission.
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S. Wittner Archives
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