Bush's Nuclear Addiction
by
Lawrence S. Wittner
by Lawrence S. Wittner
George
W. Bush might have kicked his alcohol and drug habits, but he still
appears to have at least one serious addiction to nuclear weapons.
Last year, Congress refused to fund the administration's ambitious
proposal for new nuclear weapons, largely because both Republican
and Democratic lawmakers agreed that the world would be a safer
place with fewer rather than more nuclear explosives in existence.
But, undeterred by last year's rebuff, the Bush administration recently
returned to Congress with a proposal for funding a new generation
of "usable" nuclear weapons. These weapons are the so-called
"bunker busters." Despite the rather benign name, the
"bunker buster" is an exceptionally devastating weapon,
with an explosive power of from several hundred kilotons to one
megaton (i.e., a thousand kilotons). To put this in perspective,
it should be recalled that the nuclear weapons that destroyed Hiroshima
and Nagasaki had explosive yields of from 14 to 21 kilotons. "These
weapons will bust more than a bunker," remarked U.S. Senator
Jack Reed. "The area of destruction will encompass an area
the size of a city. They are really city breakers."
In addition, the Bush administration has requested funding for the
"Reliable Replacement Warhead." If continued beyond the
planning stage, this program would lead to the spending of hundreds
of millions of dollars on upgrading U.S. nuclear warheads and might
result in the resumption of U.S. nuclear testing, which has not
occurred since 1992.
Of course, it is not unusual for the leaders of nation states to
crave nuclear weapons. After all, the history of the international
system is one of rivalry and war and, consequently, many national
leaders itch to possess the most devastating weapons available.
This undoubtedly accounts for the fact that, today, there are eight
nations that possess nuclear weapons, a ninth (North Korea) that
might, and additional nations that might be working to develop them.
Even so, there is a widespread recognition that the nuclear arms
race indeed, the very possession of nuclear weapons confronts
the world with unprecedented dangers. And, for this reason, nations,
among them the United States, have signed nuclear arms control and
disarmament treaties. The most important of them is probably the
Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) of 1968, in which non-nuclear
nations agreed to forgo the development of nuclear weapons and nuclear
nations agreed to move toward nuclear disarmament. As late as the
NPT review conference of 2000, the declared nuclear weapons states
proclaimed their commitment to an "unequivocal undertaking
. . . to accomplish the total elimination of their nuclear arsenals."
Thanks to these agreements and to independent action, there has
been a substantial reduction in the number of nuclear weapons around
the world.
Furthermore, even if nations were to disregard these treaty obligations
and cling doggedly to their nuclear weapons, how many do they need?
The United States possesses more than 10,000 nuclear weapons a
number that, together with Russia's arsenal, constitutes more than
90 percent of the world total. Does it really need more? And how
are they to be used?
President Bush, of course, wraps all his military policies in the
"war on terror," and his nuclear policies are no exception.
But how, exactly, are nuclear weapons useful against terrorists?
Terrorists do not control fixed territories that can be attacked
with nuclear weapons. Instead, they are intermingled with the general
population in this country and abroad. Unless one is willing to
attack them by conducting a vast and terrible nuclear bombardment
of civilians, dwarfing in scale any massacre that terrorists have
ever implemented, nuclear weapons have no conceivable function in
combating terrorism.
Indeed, adding to the stockpile of nuclear weapons only adds to
the dangers of terrorism. Terrorists do not have the knowledge or
materials that would enable them to build their own nuclear weapons.
But, the more nuclear weapons that exist, the more likely terrorists
are to obtain them from a government stockpile through theft, or
purchase, or conspiracy. Therefore, as Congress has recognized,
the United States would be safer if it encouraged worldwide nuclear
disarmament rather than the building of additional nuclear weapons.
In this context, Bush's voracious appetite for new nuclear weapons
is, to say the least, remarkable. In addition to his repeated attempts
to get Congress to fund a U.S. nuclear buildup, he has pulled the
United States out of the Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty (thereby
effectively scrapping the START II Treaty, negotiated and signed
by his father), opposed U.S. ratification of the Comprehensive Test
Ban Treaty (negotiated and signed by President Clinton), pressed
Congress to smooth the path toward the resumption of U.S. nuclear
testing, and dropped further negotiations for nuclear disarmament.
These repeated attempts to escape from the constraints of nuclear
arms control and disarmament agreements and acquire new nuclear
weapons suggest that Bush has what might be called a nuclear addiction.
There are other signs of this addiction, as well. Indifferent to
everything but acquiring their desired substance, addicts typically
lose their appetite for the fundamentals of life, even eating. In
a similar fashion, the president has proposed a budget that severely
slashes funding for U.S. health, education, and welfare programs
and redirects it to the military, including his pet nuclear projects.
But how long can a society be starved of health, education, and
welfare before it collapses? Impervious to reason or to the consistent
public support for funding in these areas, Bush does not seem to
consider this question. Instead, he presses forward with his demand
for . . . more nukes!
When
the 2005 NPT review conference opens this May at the United Nations,
Bush's lust for nuclear weapons seems likely to be criticized by
many nations. It is already being assailed by numerous peace and
disarmament organizations, which are planning a massive nuclear
abolition march and rally in New York City on May 1, the day before
the NPT review conference convenes. And popular sentiment is not
far behind. A recent AP-Ipsos poll reports that two-thirds of Americans
believe that no nation should possess nuclear weapons, including
the United States.
Is
George Bush able to accept the idea of a nuclear-free world? It's
certainly possible. But, first, it might take a decision by him
to buckle down and kick his nuclear addiction.
April
12, 2005
Lawrence
S. Wittner [send him mail]
is Professor of History at the State University of New York/Albany.
His latest book is Toward
Nuclear Abolition: A History of the World Nuclear Disarmament Movement,
1971 to the Present (Stanford University Press).
This
article originally appeared on the History
News Network.
Copyright
© 2005 History News Network. Reprinted
with author's permission.
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