A
Spectacular Work of History by Thomas Woods
by
Jeffrey A. Tucker
It's a credit
to book buyers that Thomas Wood's new work has turned out to be
one of the fastest
selling titles in the history of the Conservative Book Club.
The book in question is The
Politically Incorrect Guide to American History (Regnery,
2004) by this historian at Suffolk Community College and adjunct
scholar of the Mises Institute.
For
many, the title alone works as a sales boost, but the title is also
a bit misleading. For that matter, I don't much like the title,
since to be "politically incorrect" has become the slogan of every
half-baked College Republican bent on backing Bush against campus
detractors. This book has nothing to do with such nonsense.
This is not
one of those nose-tweaking marketing ploys you see in the history
section of major chains, or Rush-Limbaugh-style radio gab. Nor do
I find the thesis or argument particularly "conservative," if by
that you mean Bush-style nationalism and cultural agitprop.
On the contrary,
this is an amazing piece of scholarship compressed scholarship,
to be sure that reflects vast reading in the best libertarian
and Austrian scholarship available, a wonderful short history of
the United States, revisionist in all the best ways, that integrates
history, politics, and economics (the author is well schooled in
the Austrian tradition).
He begins in
the Colonial period to give an account of David
Hacket Fischer's thesis about the four tribes that settled the
Americas. The subject headings give the thesis and each is followed
by a fast and energetic argument. So it goes throughout the book:
the Constitution, the roots of big government, the Civil War, reconstruction,
the robber barons, World War I and II, Hoover, the Great Depression,
all the way up through the Clinton years, and all in 245 pages.
In each section he chooses the best of the modern up-to-date information
about each period.
The pace is
remarkable. He shows that the Constitution was never understood
to be a permanent union, that big government caused the North-South
conflict, that Alexander Hamilton's friends were racketeers, that
the US didn't have to enter WW I, that Hoover was a big government
conservative, that FDR made the Depression worse, that there really
were Communists in government, that FDR made WW II inevitable, that
the Marshall Plan was a flop, that the Civil Rights movement increased
social conflict and made everyone worse off, that unions made workers
poorer, that the 80s weren't really the decade of greed, that Clinton's
wars were aggressive and avoidable, and that his personal issues
were a major distraction from the real problems of the 1990s.
Several factors
are responsible for this book's high energy.
First, the
author is thrilled about the chance to tell you what he has learned
from his mainstream history education (Harvard, Columbia) as versus
his side reading among the truly informed. Even from the first pages,
when Woods is describing the religious and ideological demographics
of the Colonial Period, the reader is aware that he is being taught
by a master who loves his subject. He prose burns with a passion
to tell the next thing. Rarely do two or three sentences pass when
he is not surprising you with a new insight. He is glad he has your
attention and does not intend to let it go. So long as you are reading,
Woods is going to make sure you get his point and come to believe
it.
How many academics
can write like this? Not many.
Second, the
thesis of the book completely brushes off the naïve and ridiculous
mainstream view of the main theme of American history that it is
the story of one long, unrelentingly glorious march of the state
from "people's revolution" of 1776 through the ratification of the
Constitution through the latest war on terror. Woods will have none
of this prattle. He lays out the libertarian foundations of 1776,
treats us to a very revealing discussion of the conditions on which
the states signed the Constitution, and then turns to a tell-all
history of the mercantilists/inflationist faction of the US establishment.
The catastrophic results of 20th century wars are brilliantly exposed.
Rather than
going through the whole book he covers all the calamities that have
built the state and diminished liberty let me just assure you no
matter how much you think you know about the history of American
liberty vs. the American government, you will learn from him. He
knows his opponents very well indeed, and relishes the chance to
expose their interventionist biases, and he does so precisely and
fairly. Part of the reason, I'm convinced, is his age: only very
recently did he suffer under the regime of conventional wisdom in
grad school, but all the while he was reading in libertarian literature
and finding libertarian themes in the best of detailed studies many
historians don't even bother to read.
Third, Woods
does not see his book as the first and last statement on American
history but rather as a summary that pleads with the reader to read
more deeply. He never misses a chance to pass on a book title, draw
attention to other resources, and inspire interest in a particular
area in which he doesn't have the space to discuss. He provides
concise summary of Armentano on Monopoly, Halbook on guns, Rothbard
on Hoover and the Great Depression, Vedder and Gallaway on the wartime
economy, Reynolds on labor, Nisbet on Stalin, Flynn on Roosevelt,
Sowell on civil rights, and so much more. It is packed with great
quotations from all the people he discusses.
This is a rare
position of humility for an emerging "celebrity intellectual" to
take. From his point of view, it is not about him but the ideas,
the literature, and the truth, and he works very hard to draw our
attention to vast research that is too often ignored. The format
seems to be designed for a high school student, and certainly the
prose is pristine enough to be read by anyone. And yet I'm betting
that even specialists will learn so much from this book. The author's
capacity for reading, processing, and conveying information is a
marvel; his first book designed for a mass audience (it is his second
in so many months) is even more so.
A
final note on the "conservative" nature of this book: readers are
going to walk away from this book finding themselves drawn to some
pretty radical ideas about freedom and its place in American history.
It is a book that will produce not conservatives but just the kind
of radicals we need.
December
4, 2004
Jeffrey
Tucker [send him mail]
is editorial vice president of www.Mises.org.
Copyright
© 2004 LewRockwell.com
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