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MEDIA STUDIES

How Putin silences the journalists who criticise
his brutality in Chechnya
Stephen Glover
The Prime Minister has enjoined us to be
‘in complete solidarity with Russia and the Russian people’, and
invites us to draw a parallel between the terrorist threat from
al-Qa’eda and the threat posed by Chechen lunatics. I am not so
sure about that. Is it not possible that if Osama bin Laden had
never been born and there had been no attack on the World Trade
Center, Russia would still be besieged by appallingly cruel home-grown
terrorists? It is easy to feel a sense of solidarity with the people
of Beslan, even of Russia, but impossible to identify with President
Putin and his government. We do not share the same values. Nowhere
is this more apparent than in Putin’s almost totalitarian treatment
of the media.
When he became President four years ago, Russia had what approximated
to an independent media. Now all television channels and nearly
all newspapers are controlled directly or indirectly by the Kremlin.
Putin nationalised the liberal NTV channel by putting it in the
hands of Gazprom, a state-backed gas company. The country’s last
independent television channel was shut down last year on the pretext
of financial insolvency. A law passed last summer threatens newspapers
with closure if, during an election period, they express any opinion
about a politician’s policies, his campaign or his personality.
Intimidated by these and other new laws, many newspaper journalists
practise self-censorship. There has been very little critical coverage
of Putin’s human rights abominations in Chechnya. Television cameras
follow Putin slavishly around Russia, portraying him in a heroic
light.
Nonetheless, the Kremlin has not totally succeeded in throttling
the independent media, as was clear from the reaction of some newspapers
to the Russian government’s amazingly inept handling of the crisis
in Beslan. Izvestia published shocking pictures of the siege, and
questioned the claim by officials that there had been only 350 hostages
in the school. It also denounced the censored coverage of events
on state-controlled television, though on one channel a commentator
by the name of Sergei Brilyov was brave enough to call on the government
to come clean about the ending of the siege. Another newspaper,
Moskovsky Komsomolets, brazenly accused the authorities of ‘lying
to us all the time’. The government reacted by securing the dismissal
of the editor of Izvestia, Raf Shakirov. Two Russian journalists
with independent views on Chechnya were not even allowed to get
to Beslan. Andrei Babitsky of Radio Liberty was arrested at Moscow’s
Vnukovo airport last Thursday, and thrown in jail for five days.
Anna Politkovskaya of Novaya Gazeta, a fearless critic of Russian
atrocities in Chechnya, was mysteriously taken ill on a plane to
Rostov after drinking tea supplied by a stewardess.
The Russian government’s reaction shows how much it dislikes even
an occasional expression of editorial freedom. Possibly there will
be a further crackdown after Beslan, as previous crises have precipitated
harsher laws against the media. Let us sympathise with the Russian
people. Let us even have a pragmatic relationship with the Russian
government where we do indeed share common interests. But I personally
do not wish to be put by Tony Blair in the same boat as President
Putin. The crisis in Chechnya extends much further than the so-called
war against terror. Putin, like Yeltsin before him, has behaved
like a butcher there. And his attitude towards his country’s media
is barely more enlightened than that of the Soviet leaders who preceded
him.
Poor Alastair Campbell is suffering a dark night of the soul. A
year ago he was ejected — as now seems clear — by Tony Blair from
his job as director of communications and strategy at No. 10. Since
then he has been touring theatres and halls like some latter-day
Rector of Stiffkey, denouncing Paul Dacre and the Daily Mail. Presumably
he, or his audiences, will sooner or later tire of this. Mr Campbell
has also been writing a regular sports column for the Times which
is by no means as bad as you might have supposed. On the other hand,
I am not sure it has much more of a future than his theatrical performances.
The other day he betrayed an insecurity by confessing that he was
not ‘a proper sports journalist’. He has written a good deal about
himself, and kept the thing going by coming up with names of the
greatest sportsmen of all time. But I sense that he does not believe
that he will be writing his column in five years’, perhaps even
in one year’s time, and that his heart is not really in it.
How could it be when, though unelected, he has been the second or
third most powerful person in the country? ‘Sometimes I wonder,’
he confesses in an interview with Radio Times, ‘if I will ever do
anything meaningful and worthwhile again.’ (Ah! So the Times column
is not worthwhile! Editor please note.) In the same interview he
declined to rule out standing for Parliament. ‘When all is said
and done,’ he said, ‘politicians make real and lasting change. I
have to put myself under pressure somehow.’
Some people may be appalled by the thought of Mr Campbell returning
to public life in however humble a capacity. I can see their point,
but I think we should welcome the idea. Here is a man who threatened
or intimidated ministers, and overrode or ignored senior civil servants.
Parliament barely figured in his calculations. He may not even have
been aware that it existed. For Mr Campbell an ordinary Labour backbench
MP was a person of infinitesimal importance. Now he affects to contemplate
joining their ranks. Let us encourage him, and wish him well. What
could be better for his soul after the sweets of high office than
to put himself in front of the electors of whichever constituency
and then, if he should find favour with them, to take his place
among the teeming ranks of Labour backbenchers, most of whom hate
his guts? He might rise to be a minister, but on the other hand
he might not, especially if Gordon Brown were leader of his party.
So Alastair Campbell might wile away his days in relative obscurity,
sitting on the odd committee, asking the occasional question. It
is a delightful prospect — so delightful that I rather doubt that
Mr Campbell will ever take the risk.
What a relief to have Jeremy Paxman back on BBC2’s Newsnight after
an absence of what seems like several months. He has lost a little
weight about the face and found an ambitious new hairdresser. The
truth is that his colleagues do not have the authority of Paxo,
and cannot deal so well with slippery politicians. None of the stand-ins
tried out this summer has really worked. It is a mystery that Newsnight
is unable to find anyone to match him. I have long hankered after
Andrew Neil, but he seems to be occupied elsewhere. Of course Paxo
is not perfect, being sometimes sneery and gratuitously confrontational,
but he is by far the best on offer.
© 2004 The Spectator.co.uk
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