How Might Makes Right
by Joseph Sobran
March 7, 2002
Whatever they may say, most people assume that might makes right. Abstractly, they may consider this is shocking and cynical doctrine; yet in practice they live by it. In plain language, they go with the winners.
They take it for granted, for example, that the Civil War proved that the North was right and the South wrong: no state may constitutionally secede from the Union. All the war really proved was what wise men knew at the outset: that Northern industrial superiority was overwhelming. (If the South had won, most people would, with equal illogic, accept that as proof that the South was right.)
In ratifying the Constitution, the states voluntarily joined a confederated Union; they didn't give up the sovereignty, freedom, and independence they had retained under the Articles of Confederation. Such a radical change would have had to be explicit.
If secession was to be unconstitutional, the Constitution would have had to forbid it. It would also have had to provide some method of dealing with it if a state seceded anyway. It did neither.
Abraham Lincoln, in arguing against secession, had to invoke what he claimed as implied powers of the presidency. And in practice, he had to exercise clearly unconstitutional powers, such as making war without the consent of Congress. And when he won the war, he had to install puppet governments in the defeated states, in flagrant violation of the Federal Government's duty to guarantee each state a republican form of government.
Lincoln himself all but admitted this. Contrary to his insistence that the Union cause was that of self-government — of the people, by the people, for the people, et cetera — his actual postwar policy was to rig the situation in the South to prevent the rebellious populations from overwhelming and outvoting the loyal minority.
So the people could have self-government, all right — as long as they voted his way. Otherwise he would see to it that the minority was not outvoted. This was a novel idea of democracy. To such contortions was Lincoln driven by the principle that secession is unconstitutional.
The Constitution also requires the Federal Government to protect [the states] against invasion; it doesn't authorize it to invade them itself! Such a power would surely have been mentioned if the Framers had meant to prevent secession. Again Lincoln was forced to invent Federal authority — and presidential authority — where there was none.
Copyright (c) 2002 Fitzgerald Griffin Foundation