It's Up to Us Now
by Arthur Silber
by
Arthur Silber
DIGG THIS
Dave Lindorff
tells several amusing and gratifying anecdotes about the approval
with which people greeted his "Impeach Bush and Cheney" T-shirt
on a recent airplane trip (the pilot, flight attendant and TSA inspectors
all liked it, a lot), and goes
on to write:
It seems
clear to me: Americans have had it with the Bush administration.
Unfortunately,
this shift is not yet clear to the power elite.
On the political
front, the Democratic leadership in Congress still hasn't budged
on impeachment. Rep. Nancy Pelosi, cosseted in her wood-paneled
Speaker's suite, a continent away from her angry constituents,
still insists that impeachment is "a waste of time," while Rep.
John Conyers, chair of the House Judiciary Committee, refuses
to even discuss the Cheney impeachment bill that's been sitting
on his desk for months awaiting action.
Despite
this shameful silence and obstructionism, though, my experience
with the T-shirt tells me that the impeachment movement is sweeping
the country. Cindy Sheehan, the pioneer peace and impeachment
activist, has aborted her brief retirement and is threatening
to run against Pelosi in the Speaker's home district in San Francisco
if she doesn't stop the war funding and let impeachment proceed
in the House.
In the meantime,
the circulation of the debased newspapers of the nation, and the
viewership of the debased network news programs, continue to plummet,
as Americans increasingly recognize that they are not doing their
job of informing the public.
It seems
clear to me that a tectonic shift has finally occurred in the
nation's political mood. It wasn't the November election, though.
It has been the continued war and occupation of Iraq, and the
craven inaction of the Democratic leadership in Congress.
Now, finally,
ordinary people are getting fed up. Iraq vets are acting up and
joining Iraq Veterans Against the War. Active duty soldiers like
Erin Watada and Rev. Lennox Yearwood are standing up. What does
this all mean?
Bush and
Cheney can be driven from office!
This criminal,
bloody war in Iraq can be ended!
Unfortunately,
while Bush and Cheney can be driven from office and the ongoing
crime in Iraq can be ended, neither of those things will
happen as long as the governing class remains absolute in its determination
to protect itself and its prerogatives.
The Democrats
could defund the Iraq occupation remember
the filibuster but they won't. The plan always was and
remains to stay in Iraq for
the long haul. American world hegemony and global
interventionism is the policy, and that policy requires bases
around the world and especially in the Middle East, which
has resources over which the U.S. government will never give up
control. And unless genuinely massive public protest compels them
to act otherwise, the Democrats will never initiate impeachment
proceedings against the Bush administration. To do so would upset
the balance by which the nominally "opposed" parties continue the
charade that enables the elites to perpetuate their rule.
I think the
Clinton impeachment must be regarded historically as a one-off,
a unique occurrence that has almost no further application and meaning.
It resulted from a combination of events and influences that are
highly unlikely to be repeated; in largest part, the impeachment
was made possible because of the hubris of a relatively small group
of determined and extraordinarily manipulative political operatives
(aided by the typically lazy and unintelligent national press),
welded to the remarkable immaturity of the American public whenever
the subject turns to sex, although it should be noted that the general
public demonstrated considerably greater mental acumen on that score
than did the media or the political class. That particular amalgam
all but banished coherent thought from the dominant national conversation
for several years.
But to impeach
Bush and Cheney for actual constitutional crimes...well,
that's an entirely different matter. That would be an occurrence
of great moment: it would serve notice that Congress had drawn certain
lines and had solemnly announced that certain actions are impermissible
to government officials. That would constrain the governing class
in its future behavior. Since the Democrats may control all the
levers of power after the 2008 election, they themselves might be
so constrained as a consequence. That would never do. As I have
analyzed in some detail, it must always be remembered that the ruling
elites are not like you and me, which is to say they are utterly
unlike 99.9% of the Americans they claim to represent. They say
they are devoted to fulfilling the wishes of "the people," but that
is only the cover used to delude Americans into ceding them more
and more power, so that the ruling elites may satisfy those special
interests of greatest concern to them (and whose support makes their
election possible in the first instance) and continue their own
lives of immense privilege and comfort. The ruling elites live in
a world entirely unlike ours, and their motivations bear no resemblance
to the concerns that dominate the lives of most of us. As the earlier
essay discussed, they could not care less about "the people"
for the most part. They will only offer faint concessions to "the
people's will" when expressions of that will become so overwhelming
that the elites' hold on power is thought to be threatened.
So, barring
further extraordinary events, I think Pelosi will be successful
in her efforts to keep impeachment "off the table." What a pathetic
comment on the state of American politics that is: the one constitutionally
provided remedy that is unquestionably required, and for which a
massive amount of evidence is already in the public record, is "off
the table" while initiating yet
another criminal war of aggression, perhaps even using nuclear
weapons, remains "on the table." The moral inversion of our
age is complete.
In this setting,
Paul Craig Roberts offers an intriguing idea, but one which I also
view as unworkable. After noting that "[t]he American political
system has failed, Roberts
writes:
Bush's
and Cheney's lies and assaults on the US Constitution and American
civil liberty, their plans to attack Iran, and the war crimes for
which they are responsible provide an open and shut case for their
impeachments. The latest polls show that 54% of Americans support
impeachment of Vice President Cheney, with only 40% opposed. Bush
hangs on by a hair with 45% favoring his impeachment and 46% opposed.
But Democrats, like Republicans, have failed the electorate and
refuse to do their duty. Congress is a creature of special interests
and no longer represents the American people.
Obviously,
some new method is needed for removing incompetent or dictatorial
presidents and vice presidents.
Constitutional
reform might be next to impossible, but before dismissing the
possibility consider that according to British news reports, Britain's
new prime minister, Gordon Brown, intends a wide-ranging program
of constitutional reform, including giving up the prime minister's
power to declare war.
The London
Telegraph says: "The measures are intended to restore trust in
politics after the by-passing of Parliament and the Cabinet, as
well as the culture of spin and media manipulation, that characterized
the Blair decade."
If America
is to remain a democracy, the people need refurbished powers to
hold "government of the people, by the people, for the people"
accountable. One way of doing this would be a vote of confidence
by the people. The question can be put to a national referendum:
"Shall the President remain in office?" "Shall the Vice President
remain in office?"
The state
of Florida does this for judges, including Florida's Supreme Court,
so there is precedent for allowing the people to decide whether
officials may remain in office.
As the American
people can no longer rely on elected officials to respond to public
opinion, the people must do what they can to gather power back
into their hands before they become the subjects of tyrants.
As I say, I find
this somewhat intriguing but I also think Roberts' contemplation
of this idea is born of desperation. Since the constitutionally provided
remedy of impeachment will almost certainly not be exercised, Roberts
understandably searches for another means of holding government officials
accountable, particularly in the present dire circumstances.
As a practical
matter, I don't see how a national referendum of this kind could
be put in place in the next 18 months; in fact, it couldn't be.
But leaving that aside and assuming a national referendum could
be quickly actualized, would that even be a good idea? I am convinced
it would not be. Consider just the most obvious objections. First,
this would make unchecked majority rule dispositive on urgent national
questions, including the continued tenure of primary government
officials. Please keep in mind that unchecked majority rule
is not at all what the Constitution originally envisioned, and for
very good reason. Unconstrained majority rule is one of the surest
routes to the destruction of individual liberty and freedom.
Second, it
is not at all difficult to imagine that the national referendum
process would quickly be captured by those with enormous wealth
and power to expend on such matters. Our national politics would
quickly deteriorate into the clash of possibly numerous warring
factions with national leaders being regularly thrown out
of office, for perhaps no valid reason at all or for an entirely
false reason. This appears to me to be an almost certain way of
destroying the last vestiges of national stability and turning our
politics into an officially farcical free-for-all (the farce has
only unofficial status at the moment), until those politics collapse
altogether, perhaps with attendant violence.
But this is
a measure of how far we've traveled: the political class refuses
to surrender its own prerogatives of power and privilege, and the
rest of us are left to wonder if there is anyone at all in government,
save for a handful of exceptions, who genuinely gives a damn about
what is right. And not even what is right: is there anyone in government
who will oppose a national course which embraces genocide and unending
wars of aggression, and which embodies the behavior of nothing so
much as
a homicidal maniac? Again, with only two or three exceptions,
no one in Washington will condemn our actions for what they are
the actions of a murderous lunatic, for whom human life has
no meaning whatsoever.
And so decent
people desperately seek for solutions, however unlikely and however
unworkable they may be. Aside from organizing public protest on
a huge, unrelenting scale, including an uncompromising demand
for impeachment proceedings to begin immediately and for the complete
rejection of any attack on Iran in the present and foreseeable circumstances,
I see no other possibilities at present.
Left to their
own devices, the political class in Washington will do nothing to
stop the gathering madness, and they will act only to spread the
insanity further and make it significantly worse. It's up to
us now, as it has been for some time.
P.S. In reflecting
further on these matters, I realized I should briefly clarify two
points. First, I would not want to leave the impression that I admired
Clinton's presidency in any measurable degree, which I did not.
True, he was not as unrelievedly awful as the current Bush, but
that is faint praise indeed. The same could be said of almost every
President, save two or three. Furthermore, I think a strong case
could be made for having impeached Clinton – but the grounds for
impeachment would have been very different, beginning with the abomination
at Waco and including the
"humanitarian" interventions in Bosnia and Kosovo. Of course,
those were precisely the grounds that were excluded from consideration,
for the very reason that both political parties are determined to
preserve the exercise of state power in those particular forms.
As a result, Clinton was impeached for reasons that were comparatively
trivial when set against his profound abuses of power.
Second, I
am an admirer of Paul Craig Roberts' writing, and I agree with him
much more often than not. Nevertheless, I consider this idea of
national referenda to present several significant theoretical and
practical problems. In an excerpt from Robert Higgs here,
Higgs mentions the Ludlow Resolution, which was considered by Congress
in the late 1930s. It "would have amended the Constitution to require
approval in a national referendum before Congress could declare
war, unless U.S. territory had been invaded." Needless to say, Franklin
Roosevelt "vigorously opposed" it, and the resolution was defeated.
I would almost
always support any mechanism that might throw a monkey-wrench into
the machinations of our federal overlords, and I find a national
war referendum to be an especially admirable concept. How novel
it would be for the people who might actually die in a war to decide
whether it should be fought. But I wonder how effective such a referendum
might be in today's culture, given the relentless dumbing down of
Americans generally and the incessant propaganda that sweeps over
us hourly. If the information here
is accurate, a majority of Americans would probably have approved
the Iraq invasion in early 2003 – just as I think a majority of
Americans might well approve an attack on Iran, in light of the
repeated demonization of that country by our government and media.
The latter point would be doubly true in the event of a Gulf of
Tonkin-style incident, an occurrence far from unimaginable in the
current circumstances.
But a national
referendum on a subject such as going to war is enormously different
from "votes of confidence" about particular national leaders. For
the reasons indicated above, I think it very likely that votes of
confidence would quickly be manipulated and used by the worst kind
of political con men (and women) and opportunists. I continue to
think that national votes of confidence of this kind would represent
an unwise precedent, one easily corrupted and possibly dangerously
destabilizing.
July
14, 2007
Arthur
Silber's [send him mail]
blog is Once Upon
a Time, where he writes about political and cultural issues.
He has also written a number of essays based on the work of psychologist
and author Alice Miller, concerning the implications of her work
with regard to world events today. Descriptions of those articles
will be found at a companion blog, The
Sacred Moment. Silber worked as an actor in the New York theater
many years ago. Upon relocating to Los Angeles in the late 1970s,
he worked in the film industry for several years. After pursuing
what ultimately proved to be an unsatisfying business career, he
decided to turn to writing full-time, a profession which he happily
pursues today.
Copyright
© 2007 Arthur Silber
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Silber Archives
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