Neo-Conservatives: They’re Hot, They’re Rising, They’re Linked to
the State
by Daniel M. Ryan
by Daniel M. Ryan
DIGG THIS
Now that the
Republican majorities in the House and Senate are in doubt, the
sheen is likely to come off the neo-conservative movement. Like
any faction that runs into a rock, their status as the "ultimate
winners," or even their own conceit that they are the "new
upper class," is going to come into doubt. The sword that you
live by hurts a lot more when it’s stuck into you. (Remember the
fate of J.P. Morgan, Jr.? Rightly or wrongly, it's an unfair world.)
What do neo-conservatives
want? What are their political goals? Are they compatible with liberty?
To put it bluntly,
the typical neo-conservative wants little to do with liberty. The
proper libertarian policy "mission statement" is: peace;
individual rights, including civil rights that are not disguised
claims on the State for pelf or positive services; freedom of enterprise.
If the neo-conservatives had a mission statement of their own, it
would be: war; restriction of individual rights for the taming of
either foreign or domestic "deviancy"; good economic growth
numbers, with little concern as to the source (although tax cuts
are politically preferable). When it comes down to it, the neo-conservatives
have a lot more in common with the new Religious Right than with
libertarians.
By the "religious
Right," I mean a movement who believes in: war against the
wicked Muslim; subordination of individual rights to "Godly"
behavior-modification laws; a better deal for the "Christian"
citizen, with little concern as to how this "better deal"
is to be arranged. A useful earmarking list of such a person is:
rote praise for Bush; hostility to any (unknown) Bushian who counsels
moderation in war policy and warns against stereotyping Islam; and,
the general opinion that, if Bush erred, he erred by being too dovish.
The commonality
between these folks and the neo-conservatives should be obvious.
The genteel bellicosity of the neos and the more open bellicosity
of the Religious Right make for a perfect match. The continual neo-conservative
campaign to flush out the influence of the wicked hippies from American
culture, and the Religious Right’s characterization of all things
hippie as "dirty," make for a close glove-on-hand fit.
The neos propose general policy directions, which the Religious
Right are glad to dispose as specifics – right up to the re-criminalization
of certain acts between consenting couples, and/or the decriminalization
of certain acts done by one member of a married couple to another.
Both movements have little more than lip service for free markets,
and both define them in a similar way: "free enterprise"
means "what’s good for me and for those whom I identify with."
When it comes
down to it, though, the neo-conservative’s sense of his or her own
glory is little more than bookworm pride. It’s true that they’ve
come a long way, baby…a long way from what their fate would have
been in the real 1950s, not the idealized 1950s that they continually
promote.
Yes, back in
the 1950s, there was a much lower crime rate than there is now.
Streets were safer to walk on; children had less reason to fear.
The culture was more wholesome. Science was respected; fluoridation
skeptics were neatly categorized as yet another breed of "nut
case." The top athletes actually aspired to clean living, and
to high-minded thinking. Even the bohemians were polite and well-dressed.
Sounds like
a real paradise to be regained, doesn’t it? Or does it? A look at
the time shows a somewhat different picture.
Yes, it’s true
the athletes tried seriously to expunge the groadier part of athletic
tradition from their conduct. It was also true, though, that most
everyone in the schooling system (homeschooling was, of course,
nonexistent) wanted to be an athlete, or a cheerleader. Those who
didn’t, were basically written off in the high school "rating
and dating" game. Part of the reason why the typical neo-conservative
has had such an easy ride underneath a "’50s man" is that
the typical red-meat-eating, car-tinkering, drunk-driver-tolerating
(until the crackdown, of course) ’50s man despises the neo-conservative
type. It’s not that hard to characterize the typical neo-conservative
as one of these six monikers: dweeb; prig; drip; pill; spaz; dork.
The respect
for athletics went all the way up the corporation, too. Vance Packard,
in The
Pyramid Climbers, reported that there was one insurance
company who had an informal but very definite criterion for its
CEO. This informal earmark of merit was membership on Princeton’s
football team – as a player on it. It was held generally that skill
in team athletics – football, particularly – made for a good executive
because the football field was the perfect arena for learning gut-level
pragmatism. This cognitive skill was something which, it was seriously
held, was unlearnable though books. Those "football smarts"
are testable, too, and were tested, frequently. Anyone who claimed
footballer status, while not having the skills that could only be
picked up on the field, was quickly, if perhaps silently, pegged
as a towel boy. There was also a certain respect for being "street
tough," and that was sometimes informally tested for, too.
Clearly, the
1950s aren’t what a shrewd neo-conservative means by "the 1950s."
A year match comes up with none other than this ten-year period:
the end of 1957 to the end of 1966. The decade between the launching
of Sputnik and the eruption of the hippie movement. The "good
old days," when every scholar was a potential National Defense
scholar and the raffish didn’t have the self-confidence to flaunt
their odd ways. The period when the aspirant scholar could come
into his or her own with a nice grant from the U.S. Air Force. The
time when a figure such a Robert S. McNamara was thought of as something
special.
That’s the
truth. The neo-conservative movement came into its own thanks to
the Pentagon. Had it not been for those publicity embarrassments
in the later 1960s, the Vietnam War would have been the shining
showcase of the neo-conservative mythos. There was so much hope
for the current one…
Nostalgia aside,
it has been the welcoming of the scholarly into the war ranks by
the War Party that has given the current neo-conservative insiders
their "in." Any neo-conservative with sense knows that
the advent of peace is going to mean "back to the treehouse."
Thus, the neo-conservative who wishes to maintain his or her social
position, let alone improve it, cannot help but be pro-war.
As far as economic
policy is concerned, the neo-conservatives are, of course, Friedmanite.
An eclectic combination of monetarism and supply-side economics
serves as their "enabling myth," to use a crucial concept
in Jack
D. Douglas’s The
Myth Of The Welfare State. An enabling myth is a narrative
that explains why an old ruling class got befuddled, and why the
new ruling class is supposedly needed to fend off the supposed terrors
that would accompany the (re-)institution of the "System of
Natural Liberty." The neo-conservatives’ enabling myth is "The
Myth of No More Great Depressions." It goes something like
this:
Back in the
olden days, the Fed didn’t quite know what it was doing. This
lack of policy adroitness led to the Great Depression being prolonged.
Had it not been for the accidental discovery of the potency of
open-market operations, the Fed would have never gotten its act
together, and the U.S. would still be mired in sub-optimal use
of resources. Now, though, thanks to good positive economics,
the Fed does know what it is doing. The public can rest
assured; no more Great Depression is on the horizon. The System
is fine, provided that the right people are in charge of it. If
those pesky libertarians were right about the causes of the Great
Depression, then why have they been so wrong about the emergence
of a new one? Were they not wrong in the late ’80s? Were they
not wrong in the late ’90s? What more do you need to know about
them?
As far as
the old econometricians are concerned, they were faced with inadequate
mathematical tools; they lacked both statistical econometrics
and neural network theoretics – oh, yes; they lacked game theoretics
too. Thus, their econometrics was inadequate to the task, as were
they. Thanks, though, to the hot new econometrics of the University
of Chicago, the theoretical tools needed to properly manage
the economy are now available. The public need not worry; the
economy is safe in the hands of good econometricians. As far as
the risk of monetary breakdown is concerned – well, that’s merely
a question of moral hazard. A matter best left to a details man.
And as far
as the free market is concerned…didn’t Walter Wriston Himself
note that the free market is universal and always asserts itself?
Given this premise, it’s obvious that we already have a free market
in the here and now! All those regulations are…mere constraints,
nothing more. Free enterprise is muscular enough to surmount all.
No worries.
[Besides,
the stuff that the Tax Institute has come up with is fascinating.
Did you know that if you…]
If the neo-conservatives
are fated to be the new upper class, then this is what you can expect:
policy seminars substituting for the country club.
More to the
point, though: if the neo-conservatives are fated to be the new
upper class, then they can expect the Religious Right to
latch right onto them. As noted above, the two factions make
natural allies: both want and even need war; both abhor "cultural
anarchy;" both think that tinkering with economic policy is
the cure for what ails the economy, including certain lines of work
that could be deemed the economy’s linchpins. We have heard little,
as of now, from the social-policy arm of neo-conservatism, beyond
theoretics. One of the measures that neo-conservatives have pushed
hard, though, is already recognized as a policy success: a crackdown
on minor crimes as a deterrent to greater crime spilling out of
control. This policy was implemented successfully, in terms of its
goal, by "America’s Mayor," Rudy Giuliani, in the 1990s
– pre-9/11.
What else is
coming? Curfews? Rollback of Szasz-inspired de-institutionalization?
Restoration of "blue laws?" Common cause with the friendly,
neighborly public-health activist?...
November
2, 2006
Daniel
M. Ryan [send him mail]
is a Canadian with a known aversion to theocracy, whether
real or covert. He is currently burning his pretty pink thumb with
pen and paper.
Copyright
© 2006 LewRockwell.com
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