Politics: A Question of Organization
by
Michael S. Rozeff
by Michael S. Rozeff
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I view our
political system (and that of most countries) as malfunctioning.
It is dysfunctional, root and stem, by its very constitution and
setup. Furthermore, its rules and organization guarantee that its
malfunctioning grows worse over time. The system will break down.
When that occurs, the odds are that it will be replaced by a close
relative, another system that does not work properly.
Now, who is
to say what properly is? The political system is something that
supposedly rationalizes and facilitates decisions that groups of
people find it necessary to make. Since there is no known way to
aggregate preferences across individuals, there is no fully satisfactory
way to devise a political system that satisfies everyone and still
ends up making decent decisions about certain critical goods (such
as the society’s survival) that we can guess belong in the social
preference function.
The Framers
tried. Many new countries keep trying. They keep coming up with
new Constitutions that look very much like the old ones. They are
Rube Goldberg machines. Human beings cannot sit down and devise
a political system without creating a monster that in short order
will malfunction and lead the society in directions opposite to
their social preferences, which we simply have to assume exist.
From the point of view of a free society, the U.S. Constitution
quickly ran aground.
The case can
be made that it ran in the direction it was meant to. Justice Marshall
was one man who saw to that. Alexander Hamilton had done his work
well, and the U.S. steered toward becoming a centralized empire.
If so, maybe we can do a better job the next time by steering in
the direction of peace and freedom. We will need to have a very
different conception in our hearts of what a political system should
and should not be doing. We will need to aim at it doing nil or
almost nil. Instead, we need to aim at a system that lacks the incentive
for its own growth.
The political
system is an organization. It is one of society’s organizations,
and this creates a problem. We need a system that is less one of
society as a whole and more one that responds to specific individual
demands in a seamless fashion while yet accommodating a shared social
ethic.
Our society’s
aims are vague. They are open to definition and change. They are
open to continual expansion. These features create problems. These
are very basic problems. They do not go away by changing faces in
the political system. They are driven by the fact of the political
system itself being in existence in the form that it has as a mirror
of the entire society.
Being an organization
for all of society, the political system pools problems and resources.
It makes a commons, and causes all the problems of a commons. In
particular, any "problem" that becomes a social problem
to be handled by the political system becomes a commons problem.
This means that the resources to handle it come from everyone willy-nilly.
The problem-solvers in government are not the people who face the
problem. Those who have the problem don’t solve it. Others solve
it for them, using the wealth of yet others. In a commons, responsibility
is diffused. It dissipates. The ordinary mode of learning what works
to improve matters and what does not is undermined.
If a builder
wants to find a better way to erect a frame, would he elect officials
and tell them to solve this problem? Would he have them tax whom
they could? Would he have them legislate a solution? Would he then
be forced to accept it and then impose it on house-buyers? The commons
method of politics undermines every step by which a builder would
ordinarily proceed in a free market. But if the builder wants to
monopolize his industry, then indeed he might combine with other
builders and seek a political and regulatory "solution"
to a problem that he has transformed from private to public. The
result will be worse for the home buyer, worse for the taxpayer,
and better for the industry cartel – until an innovator arrives
that makes an end run around the regulations.
In the commons,
after the problem is addressed, there is no good feedback as to
whether or not it has been solved satisfactorily. The payers for
the problem’s solution are looking elsewhere because they have been
made to pay and they cannot affect the solution anyway to a problem
that is not theirs. The problem solvers could care less. They are
busy looking for new problems to solve. Those whose problem has
supposedly been solved are on the receiving end and must do what
they are told to do.
Any issue or
problem that one might select, be it education, health, defense,
or the provision of goods and services for the aged, all fall into
the pattern being described. Once they become social problems, then
they are addressed by the political system. This system separates
us into distinct groups whose connections with each other are tenuous.
This is our organization. This is the organization that is malfunctioning,
not least because the political system continually brings more and
more private problems into the public arena, which is the commons.
Our constitution, be it that parchment or be it what we have in
our hearts and minds, is transferring more and more private matters
into the public political system. Once there, they are open to the
malfunctioning that necessarily goes with being in the commons.
The basic misconception
that many have is to think that collectivism and central control
at the level of a common political system is a good way to solve
private problems. The basic misconception that drives the public’s
support of the American political system is that problems that are
really private problems are not private problems but public problems.
The basic social problem is that we have a political system that
provides an incentive for various private parties to foster and
encourage these misconceptions (and lies) so that they may reap
the benefits.
Too many Americans
think that private problems should be solved collectively or by
public means. This belief is in some sense rational for those seeking
gain. If the public can be made to pay for a private problem, then
why not get it to foot the bill? There is an incentive within our
political system to turn private problems into commons problems
and to persuade everyone else that these problems really affect
everyone. That is one reason why the system malfunctions at its
very root. It encourages the transformation of the private sector
into the public sector. But any consuming American who thinks that
collectivizing private problems actually leaves him better off has
sadly been brainwashed by those cartelists who are skinning him.
Basically,
group after group runs to grab what it can through the political
system. This is a negative sum game. It is a devastating political
competition. More and more of the individual’s and country’s activities
become socialized. We should each of us know that the net effect
of all of this is harmful. Yet we keep on competing because we do
not know how to stop the merry-go-round and get off.
This socialization
of problems is not as social as it seems. It always involves specific
beneficiaries. There are cartels of various sorts. The free economy
has long since disappeared under the weight of welfare for corporations,
farmers, unions, teachers, students, the elderly, space engineers,
defense companies, lawyers, politicians – you name it.
There are always
those who have to foot the bills, which is most of us. The web of
taxes is so complex and immense that no one knows how much they
are really paying. None of us knows how much better off we would
have been if we had not started up this merry-go-round in 1787.
It’s now spinning faster than ever.
We have to
wake from this bad dream in order to remind ourselves what the original
purpose of a political system is. It’s certainly not the current
game of grabbing whatever one can before the next guy does. Virtually
everything that we do is private to us and should be private to
us. Most of the goods and services that we want and make can be
made and distributed privately. The political system really should
have nothing to do with what agriculture grows and we eat, or what
schools and education we wish to have, or how much we save for our
old age, or how we care for the infirm. If we make these into public
problems, then we make them into commons issues. And then we are
guaranteed to get the malfunctioning results that we see everywhere
around us. Greed to make the other fellow pay through politics has
its comeuppance. Finally, we suffer. We cannot put in place a political
system that encourages and nurtures such greed, or else we will
get that greed as a result. That is what we have today.
Private has
to be private, and that is that. When private becomes public, we
write our own doomsday.
What goods
and services should be public? And by what system shall we provide
ourselves with those goods and services? It is a question of organization.
The more that we make felt the choices of the individual operating
privately for himself and herself, the better off we become. The
fewer the decisions that we collectivize into a political commons,
the better off we are. We thereby avoid the disjunctions that make
decisions in the commons so maladaptive. Those who have the problems
are those who seek the solutions for themselves and pay for them
themselves. They receive the benefits themselves. They improve their
own welfare. They have an incentive to improve it further.
This does not
preclude forming groups, even very large groups and associations.
Insurance companies are very large. But these groups are fundamentally
not political systems. They do not forcibly make some pay while
others benefit. They do not entangle everyone in an indecipherable
web of paying and receiving. When no one knows or can tell what
they are doing for whom and with what results, as in the commons
of our political system, chaos is the outcome. Everyone gets hurt.
My argument
has been a negative one. The political systems we routinely encounter
malfunction, and for identifiable reasons. They create a collectivized
commons for problems that should be private. We need to move away
from these systems. They need to be replaced because their structure
is what nurtures their own growth, and that growth reduces the private
sector even as it increases the collectivized and centralized sector.
The positive
solution to the age-old political problem simply has to be far more
market-oriented than anything we now imagine or have become accustomed
to. We have to restrict drastically those goods and services that
we now routinely accept as being properly handled by politics. Nearly
all of what the political system is now doing it should not be doing.
How this should
or can be done is well beyond the capabilities of any one person
to say. I am often asked this question. I don’t know. How could
I possibly know? I only know that if we do not have a goal in mind
such as a fully-privatized political system, we will not move and
keep on moving in that direction. Or if, by chance, we do, we may
easily overturn it through our ignorance. We need to know what is
right for us and what is wrong for us. I argue that what we have
is wrong for us. We have collectivized far too many goods and services,
and the system itself is a cause of that. The system must change
at the root if we are ever to overturn the work of Hamilton and
Marshall and many others since.
I
prefer to think of America, not as a domineering globe-circling
military colossus, but as one day living up to its promise as a
place where each of us can fashion his life and well-being in peace
and justice, without being inspected, ID’d, searched, spied on,
taxed at every turn, regulated, and regimented by an invisible and
unidentified horde of his fellow Americans.
January
7, 2008
Michael
S. Rozeff [send him mail]
is a retired Professor of Finance living in East Amherst, New York.
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© 2008 LewRockwell.com
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