Peace, Progress, Social Capital, and Government
by
Michael S. Rozeff
by Michael S. Rozeff
DIGG THIS
Governed
behavior
Human action,
even when it is the behavior of a free person, is often subject
to laws, norms, rules, and customs. For short, call these simply
laws. Human action is governed behavior, which means it is
ordered, restrained, and constrained. The restraints are administered
by three kinds of governance: political, social, and individual.
When governance
is working properly, based on both proper laws and proper administration
of those laws, it supports and encourages peace which sets the stage
for individual well-being, and societal growth in wealth. I use
James Ostrowski’s definition of peace:
"Peace is the absence of violence or the palpable threat of
violence against persons and their property." Proper governance
has a hand in decreasing crime, protecting life and property, settling
conflicts and disputes, facilitating exchanges that help man satisfy
his material, emotional, and spiritual needs, supporting trust and
cooperation, and maintaining and transmitting social capital. But
a beneficial social framework is not automatic. Few people would
exchange living in the U.S., even in its present condition, for
living in the old Soviet Union. The customs, rules, laws, and institutions
by which human beings govern themselves make a decided difference
in their well-being.
Governed behavior
relates to two facts. The first is that human beings are not hermits.
We live together in groups such as families and communities. We
associate. We work with others. We live social lives. Our individual
actions intermingle with those of others. We interact with one another.
Social interaction is the basic framework within which we go about
satisfying our individual wants and needs. There is no society without
individuals and no individual can live without society. Looking
at matters from the individual perspective, each of us has strong
incentives to live together and behave ourselves. This is why we
want governed behavior. We gain peace, safety, plenty, and opportunities
to flourish. We gain the benefits of division of labor and trade
over extended geographical regions. We gain wealth production. If
we did not get along with one another, we would accomplish far less.
We would find ourselves far poorer and our lives far more difficult
and unsatisfying.
The second
fact is that we do not and cannot live primarily by predation upon
other human beings. Predation of goods cannot occur unless there
is net production of goods. Furthermore, widespread predation imposes
costs that reduce production and discourage capital accumulation.
Therefore, we cannot and do not rely upon predation of each other
as a predominant mode of living. We cannot engage in predation either
en masse or indefinitely because there would eventually be nothing
left to take, and we would extinguish ourselves. (In a later article,
I extend this line of argument to justify private property.) Eschewing
predation means living together socially in peace and having property.
Governing our behavior is a means to these ends.
If we want
to live and live with any degree of civilization that fosters more
and more opportunities to satisfy our needs, the only possible long-term
course of social action is to live together peaceably. That course
facilitates the search for ways to make life better, which includes
better ways to live in peace. There is a virtuous feedback cycle.
The course of peaceful interaction demands governed behavior because
(1) governed behavior contributes so much to cooperation, and cooperation
contributes so much to better lives; and (2) continued life demands
net production. The major question surrounding governed behavior
is not whether or not society shall have it, but what sort of governance
it shall be. What is proper governance and what is improper governance?
What governance brings about living together peaceably? What brings
proper governance about? What sustains proper governance?
None of this
says that mankind must or does continually live in peace. It says
that progress in terms of wealth (capital) accumulation, let us
say, occurs in those periods of history when societies choose proper
laws and methods of implementing them. Why societies have broken
the peace and continue to break the peace is another matter. But
if mankind had not lived in peace for lengthy periods of time, we
would not be conversing about it now in relative comfort. And since
men generally get what they want when it is attainable, we have
arrived at this position because we and generations past generally
wanted peace and secured it.
To sum up,
out of our common desire to live with one another, we necessarily
have to coordinate and control those acts of ours that engage others,
simply because they do involve others. Such coordination is a major
function of governed behavior. Individually and together, we by
and large want and succeed in maintaining a peaceful set (or realm)
of social interactions within which we seek to attain our individual
goals and values; and we accomplish this goal in part through governed
behavior.
Despite this
conclusion, which follows logically from man’s conditions of life
and is confirmed by mankind’s long-term growth in wealth, states
and statists frequently champion power over peace and property,
while glorifying war. It is not at all hard to find now and in the
past concerted and extensive efforts to extol war, violence, and
martial values, even as instruments of progress and nobility. Saburo
Ienaga documents
the Japanese case of war glorification within the Japanese education
system. Historians sometimes interpret wars as bringing net improvements
to the conquered cultures and peoples while also benefiting the
war makers. War itself is sometimes lauded. Those who approve of
war correctly note that war and its preparations mobilize a great
deal of technical, organizational, and inventive human energy, but
they fail to count the monstrous actual costs and the opportunity
costs. War leaders are almost always built up into heroes and glorified.
The horrific gore and the mind-wrenching brutalities of war that
shroud the dead and scar their killers are buried beneath medal,
flags, ceremonies, and parades. It should be observed that just
wars are sometimes fought to attain freedom and remedy conditions
in which violence and tyranny are being maintained against the better
interests of a subjugated people, and that these just wars fall
under the heading of restoring peace; but war-glorifiers then seek
to wrap and hide unjust wars under the banner of wars for freedom
and justice.
As against
these pro-war sentiments, wars invariably involve large-scale destruction
of life and property, disruption of production, seizure of productive
assets, and suppression of people’s freedoms to realize their own
values, among the armies and citizenries of both victors and vanquished.
Wars divert resources to destruction that otherwise could be used
constructively. Long wars, like long periods of pestilence, accompany
marked declines in living standards; but even short wars sacrifice
butter for guns, and the guns simply destroy human beings and capital.
War and threat of war almost invariably register in stock markets
of the world by driving down stock market values. This fact alone
implicates war as a net destructive endeavor since stock market
values reflect the long-run wealth consequences of human actions.
War is commonly thought of as an abnormal state of affairs or an
interruption in the normal course of life. Famine, deprivation,
dislocation, desolation, and disease often accompany war. Conquest,
war, and famine are apocalyptic. They are scourges. By contrast,
the predominance of peace over war is evident in the long-run survival
of human beings and in the gradual improvement of their lives over
the centuries. Most of this progress is associated with peaceful
endeavors such as marriage and child-rearing, education, science,
technology, trade, discovery, invention, language, law, and property
that have nothing inherently to do with war.
Social capital
Because we
want (or in economic terms demand) peaceful interactions at reasonable
cost, we need, and find it valuable to have, social rules and laws
to govern the behavior of each of us in our associations with others.
Treating other people fairly is such a rule. Not stealing from others
is such a rule. These rules that we take to be beneficial in bringing
about peaceful interactions are part of a larger set of social economic
goods that comprise social capital. Other social capital
goods include a common language, trust, a common money, and appropriate
moral beliefs. They are called social goods or social capital because
they are used in social interactions by most if not all the people
within a social group, and they contribute to peaceful interactions,
the accumulation of wealth, and the realization of individual values,
all accomplished in a reasonably efficient way.
Social capital
goods are factors of production in the production of private wealth.
As such, they have positive value. We cannot measure their value,
but their value is reflected in both material wealth accumulation
and individual happiness. That value can rise and fall. If the society
adopts customs and rules that decrease trust, it creates social
bads. It destroys social capital, and thence private capital falls.
Lower trust places a higher burden on individuals to monitor social
interactions with others. Business exchanges, for example, become
more costly. Agreements are more likely to end in disappointment.
Disputes become more probable and their settlement more costly.
If the language deteriorates and people lose the ability to communicate
or use concepts effectively, another social bad, then social capital
deteriorates. People then find that the costs of amassing accurate
knowledge increase. They make worse decisions. If people adopt rules
that decrease conflicts or resolve them more quickly and efficiently,
a social good, then social capital rises. If an agency that governs
behavior enforces rules that disrupt peaceful exchanges, then social
capital falls. If individuals engage in aggressive driving or expressions
of road rage, they are destroying social capital. Politeness, on
and off the road, is a social good.
The very coming
together of groups of human beings and their self-identification
as a people create social capital. The amalgamation process
results in a greater measure of security against intruders. It makes
trade easier by lowering several of the costs of exchange. These
include such costs as learning the reputation of others, communication,
recognizing goods, use of money, and resolving disputes. There is
bi-directional causality in that trade helps create a people. The
process of trade widens the set of persons who identify themselves
as having commonalities with others.
Government
We wish to
order our social behavior. Somehow we do. We come into rules of
association and behavior that we largely agree upon, accept, and
follow. We teach them to one another and to our children. We develop
customs, norms, rules, regulations, and laws. We live by moral and
ethical codes. We categorize ways of behaving as right and wrong,
and as good and bad for social order. We then govern ourselves by
a range of such measures, from informal to formal, and by a range
of enforcement from lax to tight. Some acts become socially acceptable.
Some are frowned on. Some acts are crimes.
We need rules
and laws to guide individual actions as components of social interactions.
Such rules are part of a people’s social capital. They are a necessity
for social living. But such rules and laws can only be made operative
with human participation. This raises a question. What forms shall
this participation take? Administering rules and laws is a general
function with many sub-functions. What are the administering agencies?
The human beings and institutions (or organizations) that express,
transmit, support, elaborate, interpret, and manage these rules
of social association comprise government.
This is not
a definition of political governments as we commonly know them.
It is a functional definition arising from two distinct facts: (1)
that social interaction requires social rules, and (2) that social
rules require governance. In this definition, government does
not originate or invent the laws. Government might play an entrepreneurial
role in discovering or articulating rules. It surely administers
them. Government refines, interprets, and applies them to particular
cases. It communicates them, teaches them, enforces, preserves,
and administers them.
The laws logically
abide outside of and precede government, which is here viewed as
the people and institutions that administer the rules. If government
attains or has the function of making up rules and laws, that function
goes beyond government. It is something else, which is lawmaking
and/or rule making. But where laws and rules come from is a separate
matter that is related to what law actually is. Law is not what
a government arbitrarily says it is.
Mankind carries
out its governance in three realms: political, social, and individual.
Political government restrains people primarily by force
and threat of force, financing itself by taxes. Its hallmarks are
(a) a tendency toward wide-ranging (as opposed to local) territorial
dominion, and (b) deliberate enactments, stemming from legislative,
executive, judicial, and bureaucratic actions. Political government
is the administrative apparatus of the guiding central organization
known as the State.
Social government,
comprising institutions such as family, church, association, and
business, constrains primarily by non-violent means that include
custom, influence, agreement, and morality. Its strictures are not
consciously imposed from a single central source. The sources of
social government are decentralized and lack the official directing
and taxing powers of political government. This gives its actions
a far more spontaneous and unpremeditated cast.
Finally, there
is individual government, which is accomplished at the personal
level when an individual controls his own behavior. He or she does
this both by giving effect to political and social government, in
idiosyncratic ways that depend on a myriad of individually-experienced
situations, and by developing his own rules of guidance. Individuals
widely accept and adopt governed behavior out of reasons such as
habit, deference to custom, sanctions, rewards, religious training,
moral and ethical inculcation, conscience, love, and expediency.
Clearly individuals are influenced by political and social government;
yet they behave in socially-appropriate ways to serve individual
self-interests and they individually apply those rules and laws
to individual cases and situations. The individual realm of government
is immediate, pervasive, and idiosyncratic, constantly occupying
the time and thought of every individual who is making choices and
aiming to achieve his or her individual purposes and values. Individuals
largely control or govern themselves. Their actions and interactions
with others effectuate political and social government. And there
is plenty of room for individuals to discover rules of behavior
fitted to their individuality.
Government
is not solely the state, not solely the federal or national government,
nor does it mean only the government of a region, province, or individual
state, or the government of a county, city, municipality or town.
In other words, government is not solely what we commonly call the
government. All of the latter are governmental political
organizations. They are a portion of all government. They are to
be distinguished from other forms of government by (a) having coercive
power or force at their root, (b) having this power as a monopoly,
and (c) centralizing or concentrating this power, usually in a small
set of persons such as the State. The State is the quintessential
political organization, the one that sits atop all the others at
the apex of a nation’s pyramid of power. The State that we know
as the United States of America, led by the President of the U.S.A.,
is probably a relatively small organization run by as few as 1550
key people. The set of all these governmental political organizations
is a nation’s political government.
Social government
manages social rules by means other than political power. Its institutions
have a broad range of means at their disposal. They may rely on
love, nurturing, emotional and financial dependence, approval and
disapproval, and authority such as parental authority, or spirituality,
religious feelings, and heavenly intermediation as in the church.
They may rely on morals and ethics, voluntary measures, agreements,
understandings, norms, customs, social pressures, social influences,
persuasion, teaching, and the like.
The institutions
of social government, while maintaining an important influence on
individuals, are nonetheless built up from voluntary individual
action. They do not rely upon coercive monopoly power as in the
case of political government. Instead, being in society and not
over society by force, they are subject to individual voice and
exit. Children rapidly develop the capacity for voice. Adults speak
out against what they regard as undue influence, domination, and
oppression. The possibility of exit is an even stronger sanction.
People can leave a church they dislike. They can dissociate from
family members. Voice and exit stimulate institutional innovation
and competition. Social government tends to decentralize society’s
management of rules and it tends to be subject to incentives akin
to those found in the world of business competition. There is not
a complete parallel to consumer sovereignty, but there is some.
But, of absolutely critical importance, is the fact that social
government has no ability to tax in order to finance itself. Therefore
it bears the costs of its own irresponsible behavior; voice and
exit become effective because of that fact. On the other side of
the coin, responsible and effective actions bring benefits to the
initiators.
Why three
realms of government?
The ultimate
initiator of responsible human action is the individual. The individual
effectuates all three types of government. Although individual government
is each person’s main concern, one person is not independent of
others. Social interaction makes social government necessary. Political
government, which is a longstanding feature of human societies,
also has been thought necessary for certain functions.
Why then do
human beings divide government into three realms? Why not four,
or two, or one? Given that we are individuals who interact, if we
are to have governed behavior, it must include social government.
At a minimum, social government maintains social capital continuously
in view of the fact that children are born without knowing social
rules and must learn them. Social government includes agreements
reached by individuals, but it is evidently of great importance,
for example, that moral rules be taught by parents (or responsible
adults) to children in order to transmit social capital. Education
is of first-order importance in transmitting knowledge that is also
part of social capital. Clearly such processes and others I have
alluded to earlier require more than a single person.
Why do we also
have individual or self-government? Self-government has two main
aspects. Social governance via its institutions and rules influences
the individual; but not to the point of entirely controlling the
individual. Each human being is a creator who thinks his or her
own thoughts and acts on his or her own. Excessive control by others
is impossible without incurring very high costs of monitoring and
controlling that lead directly to impoverishment for the controlled
and the controllers. Excessive control is also counterproductive
by inhibiting individual initiative and preventing individuals from
bringing to bear their individual knowledge and aptitudes when faced
with situations close to them. At various points, the individual
commits and decides what rules to follow and how to follow them.
At those points, individual government takes over. And, as with
social government, the costs of irresponsible or even simply mistaken
behavior fall directly upon the individual; while the individual
captures the benefits of responsible and productive actions.
Secondly, individuals
have a vast range of experiences that fall under the radar of both
political and social government. Individuals learn what works for
them in interacting with others, and in doing so, they develop their
own personal rules or philosophies of life. They govern themselves
in conjunction with others. They enforce their own behaviors in
the ways they deal with one another.
Why does political
government exist? It is by no means as easy to justify political
government as it is to understand social and individual government.
It is not easy to rationalize an institution that seriously harms
the people under its control and, because of its taxation and other
powers, is significantly more difficult to control than other forms
of governance. We know that secessionist movements are frequent
and that there are civil wars. Political government is a common
source of discontent and grumbling, if not active efforts to alter
it. It is the focal point of unbelievably bloody and brutal wars
that wipe out millions and millions of people. These facts tell
us that the state is not only not an unalloyed good, it is a rank
evil. Even when it is not engaged in warfare, people within a state
frequently disagree with its actions. They do not voluntarily agree
with or affirm them. They frequently do not agree with the state
itself and wish to secede from it, overthrow it, or alter it radically.
If all this and more is the case, then why have a state?
The state is
the institution that has strong monopolies over peoples. Its word
can become law, even if it is unlawful law. It can force people
to obey. It can tax, which forcibly extracts financial support.
It can do great harm and does. There are serious problems in creating
and allowing such a power. There are demonstrable and known problems
inherent in political government that arise from the dynamics of
power, the quest for power, its temptations, and the incentives
to break down any barriers against its acquisition. There is a very
great problem in controlling the created entity, which is obviously
extremely dangerous. Why then do peoples embed such an institution
within their societies and over them?
A common rationalization
is that political government carries out functions that societies
have heretofore regarded as necessarily society-wide in scope, so
that no individual or social governmental institution is thought
to be able to do them with the authority of the entire society.
The corollary view is that mankind has not yet learned to or cannot
decentralize these functions. As opposed to this view, neither has
mankind learned how to control the political government that centralizes
these functions.
The two functions
we hear about are justice and defense. Political government is commonly
justified as the executive organization to carry out the community’s
sense of justice. It cannot be denied that such a function is essential,
but as we well know from observation, it can be carried out effectively
at the local level. There may be issues that require coordination
when a criminal flees one jurisdiction for another, but centralizing
and federalizing law, police, and courts is not a necessary method
of administering the law and justice. If a people identifies a fixed,
stable, and proper law, the function of justice in administering
that law requires government but not necessarily centralized government.
And the government it requires need not be financed by taxation.
Whether or
not there needs to be one government authority and one law code
in a given local region is beyond my scope here. See, for example,
Benson.
I suspect that even in a situation of competitive discovery of proper
law, that a rapid coalescence around a single law would quickly
emerge, or else the society would break up and/or be engaged in
costly disputes if not wars.
Political government
is also usually thought of as the executive organization to carry
out the community defense. How defense is structured and organized
depends on many factors peculiar to a people, such as the willingness
of ordinary individuals to risk life and limb, the costs of maintaining
forces and training them, the threats it faces from neighbors, its
region, its location, its geography, the available technology, and
the methods by which civilians might control a professional fighting
force. It is by no means obvious that a centralized monopoly government
answers to the best defense strategy, as opposed to decentralized
methods combined with confederation and financing by means other
than taxation; yet this method is what many peoples choose. This
issue too is beyond this article’s scope (see, for example, Hoppe.)
Unlike the
case with individual and social government, it is certainly impossible
to justify political government in the massive forms they possess
today. Today’s increasingly totalitarian governments go far beyond
the justice and defense functions traditionally used to justify
their existence. It is relatively easy to see the great harm they
do. That is why several hundred years from now, the landscape of
political governance is likely to look far different. Today’s overlarge
political government units are likely to diminish considerably in
scope. The United States of America (the State and its government
apparatus) will come to an end.
Boundaries
The fact that
there are three forms of government is an important feature of human
interactions and societies. As a corollary, human beings maintain
boundaries between each pair of governing realms. This suggests
immediately that human beings have found that a single form of government
is not appropriate for human life.
When any one
of these three forms of government fails to do what is properly
expected of it or does the opposite of what is expected of it, then
we raise questions about its proper role and functioning. We wonder
why society is breaking down, or why crime is up, or children misbehaving,
or people falling ill, or people unable to find work, or people
having to wait months to see a doctor, or people getting killed
in wars, or terrorist attacks occurring. We wonder what is wrong
and what to do about these matters. The root of these issues is
that we need to know the boundaries of the three types of government.
We need to know what actions each of the three realms of government
may fruitfully engage in and what actions each realm should eschew.
We need to have a theory of proper government action within each
realm of human life in order to understand what improper actions
may be bringing about social deterioration of one sort or another.
In practice,
all three forms of government exhibit ethical failings. These transform
government from a means of preserving and enhancing social order
into a means of creating social disorder, from a means of law into
a means of lawlessness, and from a means of regularizing human interactions
into a means of disrupting them.
Ethical failings
invert government. Instead of producing order and progress, law-breaking
government produces disorder and impedes progress. Corruption involves
the type-1 error of creating laws and rules that shouldn’t be created
and the type-2 error of not following rules and laws that should
be followed. Law-breaking is symptomatic of government being shaped
by the interests of private individuals or groups rather than being
accountable and responsible to a higher authority. It is a fact
that governing institutions arise, not only to reconcile the individual
with the social, but also to further private interests that intend
to gain at the expense of others. The rules and laws that are created,
their content, their application, their effectiveness, their enforcement,
and their financing are all influenced by private interests that
gain at others’ expense; and when this happens, it is surely unethical
and subverts what government should be.
History teaches
us well that government, certainly political government, habitually
becomes a heavy yoke on a people’s necks rather than a means of
facilitating progress. Churches have many times strayed far from
beneficial rules, laws, and practices. Family practices, now and
in the past, in many countries, have harmed children and society.
There is no human institution, be it science, education, business,
or the media, that does not have its share of ethical failings.
The presence of long-lasting oppressive government institutions
throughout human history tells us that it is not enough that we
understand government solely by what it should be doing. We need
to evaluate how well our government institutions are actually doing.
We cannot ever take them for granted.
Social order
is disrupted or compromised when political and social government
overstep their boundaries and attempt either to crowd each other
out or dominate the realm of individual government. For example,
religious institutions that cater to and support political governments
by overlooking political government’s mistreatment of individuals
or its law-breaking, weaken their moral credibility and weaken the
peace they should be maintaining. When churches are absorbed by
government, society loses important voices and means of maintaining
that peaceful order which arises from voluntary individual action.
In such cases, the society comes to rest more and more upon coercion
and governmentally induced disorder.
Just as political
and social government can intrude on each other to ill effect, so
can they intrude on individual government and vice versa. If a political
unit like a state or a social institution like a church oversteps
its bounds by intruding too far into an individual’s life and dominating
the individual inappropriately, the results will be to diminish
the peace and decrease social order.
Conversely,
if an individual within a church or political government acts to
fulfill his own desires and goes against the proper norms of the
church or government, he disrupts the social order. If an individual
not belonging to a family comes between husband and wife, he disrupts
the family. The social order of peaceful interactions depends on
distinct boundaries being known and maintained among the three types
of government.
August
7, 2007
Michael
S. Rozeff [send him mail]
is a retired Professor of Finance living in East Amherst, New York.
Copyright
© 2007 LewRockwell.com
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