The House will
soon again look into a government failure called "NPOESS,"
which is a set of weather related satellites now being built at
exorbitant cost by the usual array of defense contractors. (NPOESS
stands for National Polar-Orbiting Observing Satellite System.)
Hearings on its mammoth cost overruns will commence in June. One
year ago, in similar hearings, the House Committee on Science and
Technology reported that the initial baseline cost of the project
of $6.8 billion had grown to $11.5 billion. The original delivery
date of 2008 had stretched out to 2013. This cost is over $100 for
every one of the 105 million households in the U.S. and nearly three
times the already excessive $4 billion annual budget of the National
Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration (NOAA) that helps coordinate
the program. The eventual delivery date will be beyond 2013, and
the eventual costs will be higher than $11.5 billion. In addition,
the plans have been scaled back and the equipment delivered will
fall far short of the original plans.
Last year,
Rep. David Wu pointed out that "there are enormous risks built
into" the plan, and that "Given this project’s track record,
no one can be certain how it will perform in orbit." He said
that "The plan also assumes that we will have 13 successful
launches of 13 satellites constructed by four different agencies
on schedule in each case." He added that "risk also overshadows
the cost assessment." He expressed little confidence in the
$11.5 billion number, because "we are canceling one of the
two key instruments for weather forecasting and starting an entirely
new acquisition...And even those items that are moving forward have
had problems; problems that will need to be addressed and therefore,
will cost money."
Acting upon
a 1992 recommendation of the National Space Council, President Clinton
authorized NPOESS in 1994. Incredibly, twelve years later at the
2006 hearings, Rep. Gordon said "I have only a bare-bones,
heavily-censored description of the redesigned polar satellite program.
That is simply not sufficient...we are on a path to purchase four
satellites instead of six, with fewer instruments and reduced capability."
Representative Wu noted that "Today's hearing is premature.
Neither the Members nor the staff has received sufficient, substantive
materials on the Nunn-McCurdy decision that would allow us to exercise
real oversight; to do our job and be accountable for tax-payer dollars.
The result is that the witnesses before us today can pretty much
tell us anything they want and we can’t sort out the hard facts
from the hopeful scenarios."
The failure
of the government bureaucracies to provide information about NPOESS
was not new. One year earlier at the 2005 hearings, "NOAA Administrator
Vice-Admiral Conrad Lautenbacher (ret.) and Undersecretary of the
Air Force Ronald Sega promised at the hearing to provide the Committee
with fuller and more rapid information following repeated complaints
from Members on both sides of the aisle that NOAA has withheld information
in the past. Specifically, Lautenbacher and Sega pledged that they
will quickly provide the Committee with the new cost and schedule
estimates and policy options that they will be discussing at a meeting
next Tuesday on the future of NPOESS."
Clinton merged
two weather satellite programs, the one run by NOAA for civilian
purposes and the one run by the Department of Defense for military
purposes. Three government agencies, NOAA, DoD, and NASA, managed
the merged program. The first steps were easy ones, involving re-arranging
control over existing satellite technology and launching. This led
an NOAA public affairs official in late 2002 to make this unaudited
statement: "The NPOESS program has provided more than $670
million in savings through Fiscal Year 2001, and it is expected
to save $1.6 billion in acquisition and operational costs through
the System Life Cycle."
However, the
real test, which the program failed, was to develop a single satellite
to accomplish all the civilian and military measurement tasks with
advanced technologies. These tasks involved "55 atmospheric,
oceanic, terrestrial, climatic and solar-geophysical data products...guiding
the development of advanced technology visible, infrared, and microwave
imagers and sounders that will provide enhanced capabilities to
users and improve the accuracy and timeliness of observations. The
data that will be collected by the NPOESS suite of instruments fully
encompass the Earth science disciplines. When operational, NPOESS
will truly be an ‘environmental observing system,’ not just an advanced
‘weather’ satellite."
The scope of
the NPOESS missions and the demand for sophisticated measurements
went well beyond weather measurement. They were clearly shaped by
politically popular environmental and climate change themes. NPOESS
was to collect and distribute "remotely-sensed land, ocean,
and atmospheric data to the meteorological and global climate change
communities...It will provide atmospheric and sea surface temperatures,
humidity sounding, land and ocean biological productivity, and cloud
and aerosol properties." One document promises "oceanic
and terrestrial applications, such as harmful algal blooms, volcanic
ash and wildfire detection." Northrop Grumman promised not
only "more precise advance warning of hurricanes and severe
weather," but also to "revolutionize battlefield situational
awareness," by cutting weather observations from hours down
to 15 minutes.
One writer
on space matters, Taylor Dinerman, traces the NPOESS mess to two
factors. The proximate factor is that NPOESS was too ambitious,
requiring that 7 out of the 13 instruments have new technology.
"This is contrary to the well-known principle that only one
or – at most – two new technologies should be incorporated into
any new space system. It was NASA’s decision to ignore this principle
that led to the demise of the X-33 program." The underlying
factor he opines is that "In those days, the fact that two
of the most powerful men in Washington, Al Gore and Newt Gingrich,
were both technophiles and true believers in the digital revolution
made it easy for proponents of extremely ambitious projects to sell
their ideas."
Dinerman’s
view is helpful, as far as it goes, because it does pinpoint the
factor of overconfidence that contributes to government failures.
But we need to look more deeply if we are to understand this root
of government failure and see why government failure is and always
will be a necessary feature of government as we know it. It does
not depend on the presence of an Internet Revolution that turns
men like Al Gore and Newt Gingrich into uneducated and foolish technophiles.
In explaining
government failure in the case of the Iraq War, which has several
roots, I presented a partial theory: "Economics teaches us
that as the penalty for overconfidence imposed on our rulers declines,
they indulge in more of it. As the checks and balances of American
government weakened from 1787 onwards, the rulers in Washington
in all branches of government became more and more insulated from
voting sanctions. Impeachment and other tools proved ineffective.
The rulers learned how to control voters. They displayed more arrogance
and hubris in everything they did. Today, when policies fail, their
proponents often rationalize and move on to nice jobs elsewhere.
Some with pangs of conscience re-examine their lives and make money
selling books. Almost none look their mistakes in the face, speak
out, and behave honorably while they are still in office. In sum,
the Iraq War is a big blunder committed by our boastful rulers in
our Executive Branch who didn’t know any better. Our institutional
system of education and state encourages know-nothing and arrogant
power-seekers to gain office and, once in office, it lets them behave
overconfidently (underestimating costs and overestimating benefits),
commit costly errors, and get away with them."
The same analysis
applies to the NPOESS mess.
More broadly,
government failure and the accompanying destruction of wealth is
automatic the instant that government takes upon itself the provision
of any and all goods and services such as providing weather data,
launching satellites, exploring space, etc. that can be provided
by free markets. The oversight of science and technology by government
and its huge presence in research and development are guaranteed
seriously to slow down and distort the market processes of wealth
and value creation that would otherwise occur. Government failure
deprives us all.
The state has
monopoly powers that give it an incentive to deliver less and less
value to voters. But those who run the state are restrained to some
extent by the electorate and various other factors such as bureaucratic
in-fighting. This produces an equilibrium in which significant waste
and wealth destruction are omnipresent. The system of holding those
powers in check, always a leaky dike, is gushing with massive breaks.
As a consequence, those who man the state’s posts and make the decisions
are not only not held to account for their dreadful decisions but
are rewarded with celebrity status, cushy post-administration jobs,
book contracts, and pensions, etc. They have every incentive to
act overconfidently and create one government failure after another.
Science
and technology touch almost every enterprise in America. Being aware
of its benefits and thinking of it as some kind of manna, the public
has a soft spot for science and technology. Consequently, the number
of groups wishing to hawk their wares to scientifically-challenged
and over-optimistic government officials and bureaucracies is very
large. The forces are in place for further government failure and
wealth destruction in the name of science and technology.
May
28, 2007
Michael
S. Rozeff [send him mail]
is a retired Professor of Finance living in East Amherst, New York.