They
Were Wrong
by
Llewellyn H. Rockwell, Jr.
In
those days following Thanksgiving when the Taliban fell, the War
Party enjoyed their greatest successes, and they didn't hesitate
to rub our noses in it. Ha, ha, ha, they chortled, the people who
warned of quagmire and failure were wrong. The Taliban was not invulnerable
after all. The vaunted Islamic warriors fled for the hills for fear
of the mighty air war waged by the US, and so victory is ours, with
very few casualties of the kind that matter (meaning US casualties).
It
turns out, however, that the War Party was too smug too soon. None
of the top officials of the Taliban have been captured. Al-Qaidah
is still on the loose. Above all, Bin Laden and his coterie got
away. Even the Pentagon admits that it is "anyone's guess"
where he is. If the goal was to hammer the parties said to be guilty
for 9-11, it hasn't worked. Even by their own standards, the war
has not exacted justice but has only destroyed.
True,
the Taliban no longer runs Afghanistan. But no one claims that the
Taliban was directly responsible for any events of 9-11. Overthrowing
that regime was not the primary point of the military intervention.
To put the best spin on the outcome, the US celebrated the advent
of rock music and women's rights in Afghanistan (while remaining
silent about the absence of such rights in other Islamic states,
in particular former Soviet states now serving as military staging
grounds).
But
the ostensible point of the intervention was to get Bin Laden and
his organization. If that is not achieved, what was the point of
the war? To put a gaggle of tribal warlords, some left over from
Soviet days, in charge of the country? That's all we really have
to show for the war so far, that and a lot of civilian corpses and
burned up liberties.
As
a result, the War Party is changing its targets. "As for bin
Laden, we shouldn't be too picky about timing," writes National
Review's Rich Lowry, adherent of the doctrine of Pentagon Infallibility.
"It doesn't matter too much whether he is killed before or
after Saddam Hussein." Oh yeah? Just because Lowry says it
doesn't make it so.
And
say what you want about Saddam, he had nothing to do with September
11. In fact, as the leader of what used to be one of the most liberal
states in the Arab world, he has always been a bitter opponent of
radical Islam and Bin Laden in particular. Bin Laden's attitude
toward Saddam duplicates the US position: Saddam is an illegitimate
leader who should be overthrown. The attempt to turn this war from
one of retaliation into a general war against Islam completely changes
the public rationale for why the US is waging this war in the first
place.
Having
failed to accomplish its stated aims of exacting justice, the War
Party is simply changing the stated goal. This is akin to the changed
rationale of the Welfare State after the 1970s, when its advocates
announced that their goal was not to eradicate poverty so much as
to redistribute wealth from the rich. It's called defining your
goal by the outcome, whatever it is, like the child on the playground
who always declares after any embarrassment: "I meant to do
that."
In
the same way, the new rationale for this war is not to punish the
evildoers who plotted the destruction of the World Trade Center;
it is to eradicate states that the US doesn't like: in other words,
behaving like an empire.
Whenever
I write about this topic, I receive a flurry of emails demanding
to know: what is your alternative? The answer can be summed up in
a single, very unfashionable word: diplomacy, the practice of resolving
international disputes through adroit and tactful negotiation as
an alternative to destructive war.
In
diplomacy, there are no ultimatums or non-negotiable demands. There
are proposals, counter-proposals, and rounds of give and take, ideally
conducted by sober men and women, and all based on the belief that
keeping the peace is better for all parties than going to war. While
diplomacy proceeds, the peace is kept, trading continues, and normal
relations among states remain. This is why civilized states always
prefer diplomacy to violence in resolving disputes even with uncivilized
states.
Hours
after the attacks on 9-11, the US theorized that Bin Laden was behind
them. The Bush administration demanded that the government of Afghanistan
hand him over. It's not at all clear that the Taliban could have
done so if it wanted to, but before it even tried, the Taliban made
two requests that are entirely in accord with traditional diplomatic
practice: first, it wanted evidence that Bin Laden was involved,
and second, it wanted Bin Laden tried in an international court,
not in a US kangaroo court. The second demand suggests that the
Taliban was not fundamentally opposed to handing him over, provided
that the evidence that he was involved was forthcoming.
What
if the US had worked to gather evidence and turn it over to the
Taliban? At least in doing so, it would have developed a solid case
against him and thereby persuaded fence-sitters to come over to
the US side. It could have worked to rally world opinion in a way
that would have made it far more difficult for Bin Laden to escape.
A trial in international court would have been the opportunity to
expose him for all the world to see.
The
costs of war would have been entirely avoided: Afghanistan wouldn't
look like the surface of the moon, tens or hundreds of millions
in tax dollars would have been saved, the dead American soldiers
would still be alive, we would have stood a better chance of retaining
civil liberties at home, we would not have inspired terrorists of
the future and thousands of "collateral-damage" civilians would
not have been killed. In any case, we wouldn't be worse off than
we are today.
But
diplomacy was ruled out the minute everyone concluded that September
11 was an act of war rather than a multiple hijacking that ended
in horrendous murder. War is a license for the state to do whatever
it wishes; the congressional resolution empowering Bush said as
much. It means ruling out a diplomatic solution, which means ruling
out peace.
What
if Bin Laden is captured tomorrow? He should be put on trial, as
the diplomatic tradition would dictate, not executed on the spot
as the War Party demands. The Nuremberg Trials helped drive home
the moral strictures that bind states in peace and war, and established
the principle that obeying orders is not a morally licit excuse
for rampant criminality. Similarly, the McVeigh trial highlighted
the horror of ideologically driven violence. A trial for terrorists
would help reassert ancient codes of ethics in times when states
and terrorists disregard them.
Our
dictum is summed up by Ludwig von Mises: "Whoever wants peace
among nations must seek to limit the state and its influence most
strictly." The War Party says roughly the opposite: "We
want war, so there should be no limits on the state and its influence."
And look what the War Party has done to us as compared with what
they have done to make the world a safer place. So far they have
achieved none of their stated objectives while having destroyed
so much. It is they, and not us, who should be hanging their heads
in shame.
December
21, 2001
Llewellyn
H. Rockwell, Jr. [send
him mail], is president of the Ludwig
von Mises Institute in Auburn, Alabama, and editor of LewRockwell.com.
Copyright
© 2001 LewRockwell.com
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