Soviet-Style
Rule in Iraq
by
Llewellyn H. Rockwell, Jr.
by Llewellyn H. Rockwell, Jr.
So
you thought that the US went into Iraq to uproot a dangerous dictator
and establish democracy? Well, the US military has taken on a job
a bit more difficult than that. It is trying to build an economy,
which no state in the history of the world has been able to do without
the assistance of a vibrant market.
Fallujah, Iraq,
has no economy to speak of. The US bombed all that away a few years
ago. It doesn't have clean water. The place is filled with rubble.
There is some electricity, for about four hours a day, but you can't
count on it nor even which four hours of the day it will be. You
only need to think for a moment what your life would be like under
those conditions.
The US military
has taken responsibility for the rebuilding effort, as they have
done all over Iraq, where 90 percent of projects have been delayed
and delayed. But in Fallujah, the US is promising that by the fall,
80 percent of homes will have clean water. Most implausibly, the
US is promising to bring wireless internet to everyone. Just don't
drink the water while you surf the web.
How much is
this going to cost? Oh, a couple hundred million. Or maybe a few
billion. We'll let you know once it's done.
Water distribution
relies on electricity, and the US has somehow not been able to get
the generating plants working right to make the electricity available.
People buy their own generators, but those require gasoline. There
is a shortage of gasoline owing to several factors: the masters
of the universe who overthrew Saddam have not been able to process
the oil from the ground and get it to market, and the gas that is
available can only be sold at an ultra-low and controlled price.
The US enforces these controls by arresting black-market gas dealers.
Now, there
are general and specific problems with the central planning that
the US is doing in Iraq. The general problem afflicts all socialist
planning. Think of Stalin's plan to bring electrification to the
Ukraine, a "progressive" move not unlike Bush's plan to modernize
Iraq. It was one disaster after another, all backed by political
despotism and death.
Why does socialist
central planning not work? The means of production are not held
privately, so there cannot be any exchange markets for them and
therefore no exchange ratios established. That means there is no
way to calculate profit and loss. Without profit and loss, there
is no way to assess the tradeoffs associated with alternative uses
of resources. That means there is no economy in the literal sense
of that term.
Let's say there
is only a limited amount of gasoline. Should it be used to fuel
trucks to haul debris away, run construction equipment to put in
power plants, or used to move building materials in for new schools
and roads? There is no way to assess the relative merit of these
choices. The same is true for every resource. What is the priority?
It ends up being an arbitrary decision by the central planners.
In this case, that arbitrariness ends up with Fallujah residents
who can view home videos on Youtube.com but can't get a drink of
water without acquiring a deadly infection. The analogy with the
Ukraine is unavoidable: electrification in the midst of famine.
The pricing
problem, or the calculation problem, as Ludwig von Mises called
it, will always and everywhere doom any attempt to centrally plan.
It even makes it impossible to carry out projects from the first
to the last stage of production, since every economic good requires
many stages of production. After all, even with all of Stalin's
secret police and armies, there was nothing they could do to produce
a decent crop of grain. The process of production is too complicated
to be run by anything as stupid as a government bureaucracy.
The specific
problems of martial-law central planning are tied to the way the
US has chosen to do business. The government has contracted out
most of its work to private corporations. Of the $18 billion that
the US Congress has allocated since 2003, 90 percent has been farmed
out to private contractors.
This may (or
may not) increase efficiency but this strategy does not overcome
the calculation problem. The question of what should be built and
how much and by when (the core of the economic problem) is still
made by the government, not by private enterprise. The contracting
agency does not own or sell what it builds. It is there only to
do what it is told and pick up the check.
So the "privatization"
of construction in Iraq is not a step toward market economics, contrary
to what the right says (in praise) or the left says (in condemnation).
It only ends up adding another layer of problems, namely the problem
of graft and corruption that comes from the decision-making process
of who or what is going to get the money.
A main beneficiary
of Iraqi rebuilding money has been Halliburton, a company with famous
political connections throughout the whole of the Bush administration.
The missing funds, cost overruns, and incomplete projects have finally
become too much even for the Army, which is ending
its exclusive deal with the company.
But who or
what will pick up the slack? More companies with high-level political
connections like Lockheed Martin and Northrop Grumman.
Mises wrote
in 1920 that he could confidently predict the future of Soviet socialism:
There will
be hundreds and thousands of factories in operation. Very few
of these will be producing wares ready for use; in the majority
of cases what will be manufactured will be unfinished goods and
production goods. All these concerns will be interrelated. Every
good will go through a whole series of stages before it is ready
for use. In the ceaseless toil and moil of this process, however,
the administration will be without any means of testing their
bearings. It will never be able to determine whether a given good
has not been kept for a superfluous length of time in the necessary
processes of production, or whether work and material have not
been wasted in its completion.
Similarly,
we can confidently predict the future of US-run socialist planning
in Iraq. There will be billions more spent, and hundreds of projects
in operation. The majority will not amount to anything. In ceaseless
toil and moil, the military will be without any means of testing
its bearings. It won't be able to determine whether or not anything
it did or built was economically wise.
We
can add to the tenor of Mises's predictions. Bombs will still be
killing people. The living will continue to suffer unbearable deprivations.
There will not be a stable central government. The GDP will not
reach prewar levels for many years, if then. The water will still
be dirty in Fallujah, the electricity will not be reliable, and
the residents won't be surfing the internet.
July
13, 2006
Llewellyn
H. Rockwell, Jr. [send him
mail] is president of the Ludwig
von Mises Institute in Auburn, Alabama, editor of LewRockwell.com,
and author of Speaking
of Liberty.
Copyright
© 2006 LewRockwell.com
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