When
a Pro-Life President Kills
by
Llewellyn H. Rockwell, Jr.
"We
should not as a society grow life to destroy it," said President
Bush in response to the news that a Massachusetts company had cloned
a human embryo. Though Bush says that’s "exactly what's taking
place," scientists interviewed dispute that there is any cloning
going on.
As
has become the norm with these bioethics issues, no one can even
agree on the essential facts of the case. Larry Goldstein of the
University of California at San Diego said the company "induced
human eggs to undergo a couple of rounds of divisions. What they
made was not human. I don't know what they made, but they're not
really embryos."
Human
life or no, Bush is clearly concerned. So let’s talk about some
other forms of life that are currently under some degree of stress,
namely life in the suburbs of Khanabad, Afghanistan. We are not
talking embryos or embryo-like objects. These are full-grown adults
and their children. No scientists dispute that these are people.
No one disputes that life is being destroyed. What’s in dispute
is the justification. What Bush says that science must not do, he
is more than willing to do under the guise of war.
The
other day, American cluster bombs fell in this area and killed at
least 100 unarmed civilians. These facts have been confirmed by
many Western observers. One man affected is Juma Khan of Charikari,
husband and father of six. Make that widower and father of one 11-year-old
daughter named Gulshan who has severe head injuries but is still
breathing, thank God. A bomb hit their house during the breakfast
hour of 8am. It killed five of his children and nine other family
members, including his brother and his brother’s children.
"I
was just sitting there. The next thing I knew, people were digging
me out of the rubble," Mr. Khan told the Independent.
In the pages of the Wall Street Journal, this is just war
and we have to buck up to face it, and then escalate. But to Khan,
this was his wife, his children, his brother, and his nieces and
nephews–all that really matters in the world.
Who
is responsible? The pilot who dropped the bombs? Maybe. But there
will be no prosecutions. It’s not even clear that there are channels
for such things. Despite the platitudes about sparing innocents
heard early in this war, there is no outcry or even admission of
wrongdoing.
Besides,
the pilot was following orders. Who was giving the orders? Sure,
the generals, but on whose authority are they operating? The Joint
Chiefs of Staff, but who empowers them? There’s only one man: George
W. Bush, the man who just decried cloning on grounds that it represents
an attack on life.
Bush
is willing to use all his now-considerable power to try to stop
the division of human embryos, and isn’t going to let any platitudes
about the "progress of science" stop him. And yet here
is a case where he has full power to stop the destruction of life
right now. One word and it’s done. And yet he does nothing. Far
from it: he orders more bombing in more countries, using violence
to achieve his political ends.
It
strikes me that here we have a very interesting case of human psychology.
As a man, Bush wouldn’t hurt anyone, particularly not innocent people.
As president, he believes it is his responsibility to defend the
right to life. But as commander-in-chief, he can in good conscience
oversee the wholesale slaughter of innocents and lose no sleep.
He can smile, laugh, and enjoy 85 percent popularity.
Of
course, many thinkers have exposed the immorality of the State and
its wars, including Frederic Bastiat, Albert Jay Nock, H.L. Mencken,
Betrand de Jouvenel, Herbert Spencer, Franz Oppenheimer, and Murray
N. Rothbard, among many others. Their writings provide brilliant
insight into how the State "thinks," and its exaltation
of itself and its interests over everything else on earth.
These
intellectuals show, for example, that the State purports to punish
theft and murder while making theft and murder the very essence
of its domestic and foreign policy. The State claims to make and
uphold the law, yet exempts itself from punishment when it transgresses
that law. It claims to punish evil doers, yet its own actions, in
war and the regular conduct of domestic policy, inspire and motivate
evil doers to copy the State’s ways. And when it comes to actually
punishing crime, it hits crime against itself far more severely
than crimes against its citizens.
All
this is clear. But what can we say about a man like Bush, a decent
fellow who loves his family, who goes to church, who probably entered
public life with the most sincere motivations. How does he sleep
and pray knowing that his decisions as president are tearing off
the heads and ripping open the bellies of innocents? Does he blame
the terrorists for making him do this? Perhaps, but that only takes
him so far. Under no standard of justice is killing non-combatants
in another nation a proper retaliation for the killing of non-combatants
in our nation.
There’s
no cracking some mysteries of the human heart, but I think the answer
has something to do with the ideology of public service, and particularly
the mythology of the moral burden of the presidency. For generations,
every historian of note has held up the most mass-murdering of presidents
for public adulation. The "moral burden" of the presidency
amounts to doing very immoral things, under the cover of statesmanship,
and not letting it affect one’s sense of well being.
"The
evil that men do lives after them," Shakespeare has Mark Antony
say. "The good is oft interred with their bones." But
with US presidents, it’s usually precisely the opposite.
Can
all the top historians be wrong? Yes, certainly. But it takes a
special kind of intellect and moral courage to reach this conclusion.
You have to be an extremely independent thinker. If you are like
Bush, a conventional sort of guy, you are perfectly willing to believe
the conventional wisdom: that what a president does in wartime is
not mass murder but rather statesmanship, that leaders of great
nations are not held to the same standard of right and wrong that
binds the rest of us.
That
is why it is more urgent than ever to underscore the essential idea
of the liberal tradition, that morality is universal and that the
State is not exempt from it. The religious dimension to that idea
says that God is no respecter of persons, that the same standard
will someday be used to judge us all. The social-political implication
is that we should not grow life in order to destroy it, by any means,
whether science or war. Only the tradition that applies that view
consistently can restrain the State, and it must be taught to a
new generation.
November
28, 2001
Llewellyn
H. Rockwell, Jr. [send
him mail], is president of the Ludwig
von Mises Institute in Auburn, Alabama, and editor of LewRockwell.com.
Copyright
© 2001 LewRockwell.com
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