Mississippi
Voting
by
Llewellyn H. Rockwell,
Jr.
The
big mistake made by the opponents of Mississippi’s current state
flag was to permit actual voters to choose. The results: the proposed
shredding went down to defeat by 2 to 1. Much to the shock of the
media, pro-flag forces even won majorities in mostly black counties.
In
this case, as in many others in which voters are actually asked
their opinion, the people have outwitted the elites. The old flag
stands for freedom against government tyranny, while the new one in
addition to being ugly stands for nothing other than the brow-beating
of special interests.
The
"controversy" over the old Mississippi flag, of course,
revolves around the Confederate battle emblem in the corner. I put
the word "controversy" in quotes because it is largely
artificial. The current state flag was instituted in 1894 as a means
of signifying the state’s role in the Civil War, and underscoring
the noble stand for independence from the federal government. As
with most official flags, nobody paid that much attention to its
meaning and symbolism, though they probably should.
Then
the attacks began. A small cadre of elites with a predictable membership
in the media, government, and academe, began to assault the flag
as somehow a symbol of racism and hate. Of course, this critique
is not just an assault on the flag. It is a smear of an entire people,
all their ancestors, and all their history that has thus far tolerated,
and even rallied around, a supposed symbol of hate.
It
may surprise the ideology-soaked brains of left-liberals that neither
blacks nor whites in the state want to believe such malign things
about their home and history. They recognize this rhetoric as an
attack on all that is Mississippi.
The
critique that the flag is hateful is also impossible to limit. Once
you agree that the flag is evil, then everything has to go, including
songs, literature, statues, constitutions, and anything else that
reminds anyone of Mississippi’s past. The Jacobin approach ends
in completely robbing a state and a region of its history and meaning,
and all its people of their dignity.
The
attacks have also succeeded in radicalizing people of the state
as they more closely examine the reasons for the original secession
and discover that the preservation of slavery was less important
than the desire to be independent of federal encroachments. In other
words, the reason Mississippi seceded seems very timely. Hence,
they want to rally around the flag even more.
The
demonizing approach may be favored by columnists and professors
with nothing to lose, but for purposes of the political campaign
against the flag, the opponents chose a different route. They admitted
that the flag may be a symbol of heritage and freedom to many, but
the trouble is that it is bad for business. The flag is a deterrent
to companies that would otherwise locate in the state.
This
critique would indeed send a powerful message. If the residents
believed that their flag is endangering their prosperity, they would
probably vote to change it. The trouble with this point, however,
is simple: it was a lie.
Flag
opponents couldn’t cite a single case of a business that left the
state, or one that refused to come, on grounds of the flag. The
real trouble with Mississippi’s economy is the taxes and welfare
imposed by the federal government and its allies in the state the
very people who wanted to change the flag. If changing the flag
signaled that statist left-liberals were running the state, business
would have been deterred even more.
A
final problem was the proposed alternative flag. Whereas the current
flag has grace and tradition on its side, the proposed new one was
made up out of whole cloth. It sparked no sentiment and had no roots.
It was created by a bureaucracy that had no sense of what makes
Mississippi so beloved to its residents.
But
what about the Southern Cross? Hasn’t its associations with the
KKK ruined its status as a symbol of rebellion against tyranny?
To fall for that argument is to allow the Klan to have control over
what symbols we accept or reject for ourselves. The Klan also claims
to love motherhood and apple pie, but that’s no argument against
them.
Besides,
if anyone is promoting that linkage between hate and the rebel battle
flag, it is left-liberal conspirators themselves, who desire a complete
social and political upheaval so they can more easily impose socialism.
And
what about the claim that the battle flag symbolizes slavery? It’s
true that slavery existed in the old South after having originated
in the old North that flew the Stars and Stripes. When the Stars
and Stripes fly, people don’t think "slave trade!"; they
think freedom. So it is with many Southerners and the battle flag.
If we were to scrap all symbols that were somehow linked with human-rights
violations, there would be very few that remain.
There
is a Mississippi flag that predates the current one: the Magnolia
Flag adopted after secession but before 1894. It features the single
white star on a bonnie-blue background as a symbol of secession,
and a green magnolia tree that recalls the pine-tree flag of the
American Revolution.
But
the Jacobin flag burners would have none of it, probably because
this older flag is more steeped in history than the current one.
And history is precisely what they want to shred, so that they can
make all of us ever-more dependent on the central state and the
class of social managers that aspire to run our lives. Black and
white Mississippians were united in telling those people to go bother
someone else.
April
20, 2001
Llewellyn
H. Rockwell, Jr., is president of the Ludwig
von Mises Institute in Auburn, Alabama. He also edits a daily
news site, LewRockwell.com.
Copyright
© 2001 LewRockwell.com
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